A group of UN experts claims that Rwanda is under the control of M23 rebels in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, that Uganda has “unilaterally doubled its military presence” there, and that armed groups, including those affiliated with the Congolese government, are violating civilian rights.
An as-yet unpublished report from UN experts on DRC that was leaked to the media and seen by Al Jazeera describes violations by all parties to the conflict and blames neighbouring governments for allegedly exploiting and escalating the current crisis.
According to the Reuters news agency, the report was submitted to the UN Security Council in May. Unnamed UN official who contributed to the report told Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity that it is anticipated to be released soon.
While analysts see these reports as an essential tool of accountability, Kigali and Kampala have called the experts biased.
The government and government have repeatedly refuted the accusations made against them, but neither has responded to Al Jazeera’s request for comment on the report’s content.
Meanwhile, the recent findings run the risk of dampening the cautious optimism brought about by Kinshasa and M23’s ongoing Qatar-mediated peace talks and the signing of a peace agreement between Rwanda and the DRC last month.
Rwanda’s ‘ instruction’, control of resources
M23, which the UN claims is supported by Rwanda, has been at odds with the Congolese army and its allied militias known as Wazalendo for years. Kigali refutes this claim. M23 quickly seized control of Goma and Bukavu, the capitals of North Kivu and South Kivu, which it still holds today.
The latest UN experts report – the first since M23’s advance – offers a stark assessment of the conflict, placing blame on Rwanda for facilitating the rapid expansion of the rebel forces.
According to the report, Rwanda is “critical support” for M23, which receives “instructions” from the country’s government and intelligence services.
In previous reports, the UN experts found there were some 3, 000-4, 000 Rwandan troops fighting alongside M23 in the DRC.
According to the new report, Rwandan officials secretly informed the Group of Experts that President Paul Kagame had decided to take control of Goma and Bukavu one week prior to the [M23] Goma attack.
Rwanda has repeatedly denied supporting M23, and Kigali has harshly criticized the UN experts.
“These reports were written long ago”, President Paul Kagame said at a news conference in Kigali on July 4, after the contents of the report started circulating in international media.
The Rwandan leader criticized the UN panel of experts, saying, “They come here just to confirm a narrative they already had.”
Kagame compared the experts to a burglar who burns a house and also serves as a prosecutor and judge. “The very ones who burned the]house] are the ones in the seat to judge and prosecute”.
However, the UN report only reiterated its criticism of Kigali.
According to the report, Rwanda is held accountable for the actions of the group because of the Rwandan army’s “de facto direction and effective control” over M23’s operations, arguing that Rwanda’s behavior qualifies as international sanctionable.
Last month’s US-brokered deal between the DRC and Rwanda does not include M23, but it stipulates that all parties should comply with the Qatar peace process. Additionally, it is emphasized that the Congolese government should encourage Hutus’ support of the armed group’s FDLR, which is linked to Tutsis’ deaths in the 1994 Rwanda genocide. According to the agreement, Rwanda should then halt its “defensive measures” inside the DRC.
While Kigali has often argued that its actions in the DRC are aimed at addressing longstanding security threats posed by the FDLR, the UN experts assert that its actions went far beyond legitimate security concerns.
According to the experts, “Kigali’s ultimate goal was to retain control over the DRC’s natural resources.”
Coltan was among the minerals smuggled into Rwanda after being stolen from mines in towns that were seized by M23. “Once in Rwanda, the looted minerals were mixed with local production, effectively laundering them into the downstream supply chain under the guise of Rwandan origin”, the report said.
Boss Mining Solutions Inc., which is represented by Eddy Habimana, who has previously been linked to the illegal movement of minerals from the DRC, purchased a portion of the minerals, according to the report.
The report also mentions Uganda’s violation of international law in addition to Rwanda.
Amid the Rwanda/M23–DRC fighting, there was a “rapid military build-up” by the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) in North Kivu and Ituri provinces, the report said.
The number of troops significantly increased this year, it continued, “effectively doubling Uganda’s footprint in the nation.”
According to the report, the Ugandan army, which has collaborated with the Congolese military to combat the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a rebel movement with roots in Uganda, “unilaterally” increased its troop presence in eastern DRC.
“The DRC government confirmed that the new UPDF deployment was executed without its prior approval, and that UPDF was undertaking unilateral initiatives outside the framework of joint operations with the]Congolese army]”, the report read.
The panel of experts’ opinions on the deployment posed questions about Kampala’s motivations, particularly given previous assertions that the UPDF supported M23. The report claims that the troop movements created a de facto buffer zone to protect M23 from northern counterattacks despite Uganda’s claim that they were defensive and meant to safeguard its economic interests.
In response, Uganda’s ambassador to the UN, Adonia Ayebare, wrote on X that the report “contains falsehoods” and attempts to undermine the joint military operation with the DRC. After the publication of the report, he promised to make an official statement about Uganda.
General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the head of Uganda’s army, wrote on X that: “We (UPDF) continue to save the lives of people in our region while the UN’s so-called “Group of Experts” produces biased reports against us.”
The report by the UN experts had called out “repeated incendiary public statements” by Kainerugaba in which they said he emphasised close cooperation between the UPDF and the Rwandan army.
Additionally, the report also accused former ICC convict Thomas Lubanga of starting a political-military movement to challenge the Congolese government, “with at least moral and passive support from the Ugandan authorities.”
Lubanga, who addressed journalists in Kampala on July 16 said he is being forced to flee because Kinshasa had been pursuing his cause because it “would find itself on Kinshasa’s doorstep today.”
interests in the DRC are Rwandan and Ugandan.
In light of regional dynamics, Professor Kristof Titeca, who recently published a report on Uganda’s operations in the DRC, urges readers to read the UN report and the associated backlash.
Kigali and Kampala share overlapping interests in the DRC – chiefly concerning security, political influence, and economic access – but these interests also place them in a complex relationship of both cooperation and competition, he said.
After Uganda allowed its soldiers to enter the country in pursuit of the ADF, Titeca claims that Kigali’s fear that Kampala might encroach on its influence in eastern DRC contributed to the rapid expansion and resurgence of M23.
As M23 gained ground toward the end of 2024, Uganda sent troops to combat rebels, specifically those who wanted to stop Rwanda from entering areas of interest.
Titeca says the military manoeuvres were as much a strategic message to Rwanda as they were about protecting Ugandan interests.
Titeca suggests that Kigali and Kampala may have an implicit understanding of their respective areas of influence based on movements and postures that have been observed since late 2024.
Some people believe Kampala and Kigali’s area of interest agreement might exist, he said.
In eastern DRC, “they are friends and also enemies at the same time”, he added, referring to Uganda and Rwanda.
The violations committed by Kinshasa
Kinshasa also bears some responsibility, according to the UN experts. On the Congolese side, the report paints a picture of a state under siege, struggling to maintain sovereignty over its eastern territories.
Despite the latter being subject to UN sanctions and being heavily dependent on irregular Wazalendo organizations and the Rwandan army, the government remained heavily dependent on both.
This alliance, according to the report, has worsened the security and human rights situation, causing reprisals attacks, child restraining, and sexual violence.
As it called out M23’s actions during the taking of Goma and Bukavu, the report also documented a pattern of grave international humanitarian law and rights violations – including looting, sexual violence, and killings – by retreating Congolese soldiers and Wazalendo fighters at the same time.
According to the statement, “These abuses occurred in a climate of impunity, in the general context of a weakening chain of command.”
The Congolese government pressed Al Jazeera for a response to these assertions, but they were unsuccessful.
In dismissing the report, the Rwandan president accused the panel of perpetuating a biased narrative against Kigali and of ignoring Congolese government complicity with the FDLR, which he says continues to spread anti-Tutsi views that led to the 1994 genocide.
At the July 4 press conference, Kagame said, “All the reports, 75% of them, blame AFC/M23 and Rwanda.” You won’t find that they have a thorough analysis of FDLR or how institutionalized Congolese people spread genocide ideology. How can experts not see that”?
Rwandan analyst Thierry Gatete questioned the UN panel’s legitimacy and claimed that they hardly ever conduct field research in response to Kagame’s criticisms.
He claimed that they rely on witness accounts from Congolese officials or FDLR sympathisers while sitting in New York or Paris.
The report notes that Rwanda denied the group of experts access to Kigali. Gatete claims that Rwanda initially cooperated with the panel before giving up because the reports were consistently biased and inconsequential. He claimed that “nobody takes what they write seriously.”
While Rwanda and Uganda view the UN reports as biased, others see them as essential tools for accountability.
The panel provides crucial evidence that challenges both state and non-state actors, according to Stewart Muhindo, a researcher with the Congolese civil society organization LUCHA.
He noted that “the panel tells the hard truths,” noting that the report also criticizes the DRC government for continuing to cooperate with the FDLR despite promises to end the alliance. “It’s not just about blaming Rwanda”.
Muhindo and other UN experts concur that the humanitarian crisis has been exacerbated by the DRC’s reliance on Wazalendo fighters. He claimed that these irregular forces have been responsible for atrocities, including child soldiers’ recruitment and attacks, despite not being sanctioned like the FDLR.
Source: Aljazeera
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