The United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia’s partner in the Arab coalition in Yemen, and its Gulf Arab neighbor, Saudi Arabia, have a history of conflict.
Without informing Saudi Arabia or the internationally recognized Yemeni government, two ships reportedly entered the port of Mukalla carrying more than 80 vehicles and weapons and ammunition bound for the Southern Transitional Council (STC).
The two allies’ differences in Yemen are significant, and this may be the turning point for Yemen right now.
Following a military uprising between Saudi Arabia and the UAE in the Yemeni governorate in December, Mukalla is in control.
In this conflict, there are two factions that each are loyal to a different political party: the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC). Before it exploded in public over the past few days, the difference had been simmering for years in the shadows.
The Houthis, who brutally overran the capital Sanaa in 2015 and later imposed their own government, are key members of the Arab military coalition in Yemen.
Since the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) formed in 2017 as a separatist political and military force seeking an independent state in South-South Yemen, an independent state, between 1967 and 1990, this conflict of interest has been escalating gradually.
The STC forces earlier in December overran all southern governorates, including Hadramout and al-Mahra governorates. Saudi Arabia, which saw the action as a threat to its national security, did not like it.
With its oil and gas resources and related infrastructure, Hadramout also contributes to Yemen’s economic development and is a key border crossing with Saudi Arabia, which contributes to border security and trade.
Politically, economically, and militarily, Yemen’s current situation will be cast a dark cloud by the most recent public conflict between Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Saudi and Emirati were the two political parties that made up Yemen’s political elites, with the government members pursuing either of the two camps.
The eight-member PLC, an internationally renowned organization that is already divided into camps affiliated with Saudi Arabia and the UAE, would provide the most authoritative insight into the differences.
Sultan al-Arada, Abdullah al-Alimi Bawazir, Othman Hussein Mujalli, and Rashad al-Alimi, the PLC president, are all members of one camp. Abdul Rahman al-Mahrami (also known as Abu Zaraa), Tariq Mohammed Saleh, and Faraj Salmin al-Bahsani form the second, which is led by Aidarus al-Zoubaidi, the STC force’s head.
Following the Saudi attack on the ships carrying weapons to the STC, the leaders of both camps made two contradictory statements regarding al-Alimi’s request for the UAE to leave Yemen. One was opposed to the UAE’s withdrawal from Yemen, showing that they are representing regional players’ interests while also confirming that Yemen is a site of proxy war.
The quick developments and subsequent events in Yemen have caused the country to enter a new internal conflict with the political and military components that make up the legitimate government, along with new internal conflict between numerous armed groups.
Additionally, Sanaa and Yemen’s most populous provinces, which were under the control of the Houthi rebellion in the north, are now under focus.
Faceing the Houthis’ takeover was the legitimate Yemeni government’s and the Saudi-led Arab coalition’s main objectives. After more than a decade of armed conflict, the nation is currently on the verge of collapse and a new tumult, which could allow the Houthis to retake control of the nation.
The Saudi-led coalition’s recent events will further deteriorate, casting doubt on its cohesion and ability to accomplish Yemen’s stated joint goals.
Source: Aljazeera
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