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‘Dictated the game’ – how England & Wales’ players rated

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Three first-half goals helped England to a routine 3-0 victory in Thursday’s international friendly against Wales at Wembley.

England starting XI

Jordan Pickford: A history-making night for the keeper as he broke the record he shared with Gordon Banks for the number of consecutive clean sheets, which now stands at eight. Made a smart save to deny David Brooks, but didn’t have much more to trouble him. 6

Ezri Konsa: The Aston Villa defender was moved to right-back as John Stones came into the centre and the absence of the injured Reece James. Konsa looked solid as he has done in the past when playing in that position for England and offered an attacking outlet. Not tested defensively. 6

John Stones: His first match under Thomas Tuchel since he became England manager. Stones stepped into midfield to start attacks and it was an extremely comfortable return to international football after his injury troubles. 6

Marc Guehi: The Crystal Palace defender was his usual composed self at centre-back. Produced a great piece of play to keep the ball in and set up Morgan Rogers for his opening goal. Guehi must be a first-choice defender for England. 7

Djed Spence: Not anything of note to deal with defensively on his first start for England. A good outlet in attack and continues to be a versatile asset. 6

Declan Rice: Captain for the night and lived up to the honour. Bossed the midfield with his running power and dictated the game with his passing. His corners and free-kicks were always quality. 8

Elliot Anderson: Continues to make the number six position his own. Plays with maturity but still only 22. Has a real chance to become a key part of the England team. 7

Morgan Rogers: A favourite of Tuchel and one of the big options as a number 10. A great moment for him to score his first England goal and his powerful running caused Wales problems throughout the match. 8

Bukayo Saka: The Arsenal winger was a constant threat on the right wing – just as he is for his club. He scored the goal of the match with a real moment of quality when he cut in on his left foot and curled a shot into the top corner. 8

Anthony Gordon: Started the match on the left wing and was then moved to striker after Ollie Watkins was withdrawn. He played with his usual energy and pace and contributed to a solid win. 7

England substitutes

Marcus Rashford: The game was won when he was introduced at half-time and Wales were a lot more compact, which meant he didn’t have much space to run into. Gordon tried to set him up for a tap-in but the ball was cut out. 6

Ruben Loftus-Cheek: The AC Milan midfielder came on for his first appearance since 2018 when Tuchel changed the midfield three. Kept it simple. 6

Morgan Gibbs-White: Came on for the final 20 minutes but with all the substitutions from both sides, the game was disjointed. Still tried to make things happen like he always does. 6

Jordan Henderson: Brought on as the deepest midfielder and for his experience. Very vocal as always and tried to keep the standards high when the game was won. 6

Jarrod Bowen: Introduced on the right wing and had one positive run which ended with him playing in Gordon for a strike. 6

Wales starting XI

Karl Darlow: Powerless to stop England’s flurry of early goals and made a decent low save from Anthony Gordon before the floodgates opened. 6

Jay Dasilva: Struggled to contain the elusive Saka and did not see enough of the ball to make an impression going forward. 5

Joe Rodon: Kept busy by the barrage of England attacks, heading and blocking everything that came his way. 6

Ben Davies: His misjudgement allowed Guehi to set up the opening goal, a rare mistake for one of Wales’ greats and now just one cap away from becoming a centurion. 5

Neco Williams: Had a difficult time against the lively Gordon, getting booked too for a lunging tackle on the Newcastle United winger. Not his usual influential self. 4

Ethan Ampadu: Usually the heartbeat of the team in midfield but did not have the support around him in the face of world-class opposition. 5

Liam Cullen: Asked to play in a deeper role in midfield again, the Swansea City forward looked out of his depth and was unable to stop England’s runners. 4

David Brooks: Looked as likely as anyone to spark a Welsh counter-attack. Had a shot on target with a second-half volley and provided substitute Mark Harris with an excellent cross for a good opportunity. 6

Harry Wilson: One of Wales’ outstanding players of recent years but, on this occasion, limited to one speculative long-range effort which went over. 5

Brennan Johnson: Offered nothing in attack and did little to support Williams defensively. 4

Wales substitutes

Chris Mepham: Replaced Davies and defended solidly and forced Pickford into an excellent save with a diving header. 6

Ronan Kpakio: Gave Wales some energy and impetus on the right after coming on for Williams, combining well with Brooks. 6

Josh Sheehan: Looked after the ball tidily enough as he usually does at the base of midfield when he replaced Ampadu. 6

Jordan James: Improved Wales as a midfield force with his dynamism and work-rate when coming on for Wilson. 6

Mark Harris: Sent a header over following a wonderful Brooks cross. 5

How BBC Sport readers rated the players

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Player of the match

B. Saka

7.54
7 B. Saka

7.54

15 M. Rogers

7.32

21 E. Anderson

7.31

6 M. Guéhi

7.21

4 D. Rice

7.09

14 D. Spence

7.05

17 A. Gordon

6.85

19 O. Watkins

6.81

1 J. Pickford

6.80

2 E. Konsa

6.70

5 J. Stones

6.54

20 J. Bowen

6.17

16 M. Gibbs-White

5.90

3 M. Lewis-Skelly

5.54

18 R. Loftus-Cheek

5.38

8 J. Henderson

5.30

11 M. Rashford

5.22

Related topics

  • Wales Men’s Football Team
  • Football
  • England Men’s Football Team

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Huge pop group Scissor Sisters to make a comeback 14 years after their last album

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The 00s pop group Scissor Sisters are said to be working on new music and had 10 UK Top 40 tracks including I Don’t Feel like Dancin’ and Filthy/Gorgeous

Huge 00s pop group Scissor Sisters are making a comeback and working on new music, thanks to the success of their reunion tour this summer. The band last made music together 14 years ago.

By the time the band broke up in 2011, they had amassed ten UK Top 40 tracks and two No. 1 albums. Their biggest hits, such as I Don’t Feel Like Dancin’, Take Your Mama and Filthy/Gorgeous are iconic songs of the Noughties.

14 years after the release of their last album, frontman Jake Shears, guitarist Del Marqui and bassist BabyDaddy (real name Scott Hoffman) are reuniting for another record. They are joined by current band members, Bridget Barkan and Amber Martin. The news was revealed at the Virgin Atlantic Attitude Awards, which celebrate the LGBTQIA community and its allies. According to the band, who were there to take home the Music Icon award, they were already back in the studio.

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Jake said: “Scissor Sisters has always been about coming as you are, coming together and celebrating what it means to be a human being. And it’s exciting to look back but it’s really exciting to look forward too. We’re back in the studio making new music after a long time and the next chapter feels like it’s well under way.”

As of yet, former vocalist Ana Matronic (real name Ana Kirby) does not seem to be involved. Ana did not rejoin the band when they first announced their in October 2024, and wrote on Instagram that the timing wasn’t right.

“People familiar with my story and career arc will know that in the heart of this Showgirl lies a giant Nerd,” she penned. “In the past decade my Nerd self has taken the wheel and is now driving my career. I am currently finishing production on the first season of my history podcast Good Time Sallies, which has grown into several long-term research and writing projects.

“With contracts signed and schedules agreed on these commitments, the timing of a Scissor reunion does not allow me to join my former bandmates for this tour. I wish the band and our fans all the best… I will be there in spirit to kiki with you!”

Elsewhere during the awards night on Wednesday (8 October), Jake performed on stage in a bright jump suit. During his acceptance speech for the Music Icon award, he also cracked jokes about the band.

He told the crowd: “The most incredible thing about being back here after all these years is how little we’ve aged.” More seriously, he added: “I hope we continue to inspire others and those that come after us to create and express themselves freely and find the joy in not always taking yourself so seriously.”

Jake also said the UK has made him and the band, who are all from America, feel “loved and accepted”, even if their headline slot at Glastonbury this year was scheduled at the same time as Charli XCX and Doechii.

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“The UK’s been a place that has made us feel so loved and accepted,” he shared. “Ironically though, the most homophobic thing that has ever happened in our career here was at Glastonbury this year — putting us against Charli XCX and Doechii this last summer. It’s terrible.

“But people showed up and they brought their friends and their boyfriends and their kids and their nannas and it reminded us why we do this all in the first place.”

Will Hamas agree to hand over its weapons as part of a Gaza ceasefire deal?

Israel and Hamas may have agreed to the first phase of a United States-backed ceasefire deal, but contentious differences between the two sides still remain, particularly when it comes to the fate of the Palestinian group’s weapons.

Israel has long insisted that Hamas surrender all of its weapons if its two-year war on Gaza is to end, as well as demanding that the group relinquish governance of the Palestinian enclave and dissolve itself as an organisation.

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For its part, Hamas has publicly rejected calls to give up its weapons, but experts say that the group has expressed openness in private to hand over some of its arsenal.

“When it comes to disarmament, this is where you have seen the biggest shift in Hamas’s position,” said Hugh Lovatt, an expert on Israel-Palestine with the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).

“[Hamas officials] have said in private to interlocutors that the group may be open to a decommissioning process of Hamas’s offensive weapons,” he told Al Jazeera.

Shaky ceasefire

Negotiations over Hamas’s arsenal could torpedo the ceasefire and prompt Israel to resume its genocidal war on the destitute and beleaguered Palestinian population in Gaza, analysts said.

An armed group has the right to bear arms and resist an occupying power in line with international humanitarian law – the main framework referenced to protect civilians in times of war.

Yet, Israel and its Western allies have historically demanded that Palestinian factions give up armed resistance as a precondition to launching a peace process ostensibly aimed at ending Israel’s occupation over Palestinian territories.

This was the framework underpinning the Oslo Peace Accords in the 1990s, signed by then Palestinian and Israeli leaders.

Israel is likely to try and make similar demands this time around, but Hamas is unlikely to completely disarm, according to Azmi Keshawi, a Palestinian from Gaza and a researcher with the International Crisis Group (ICG).

He said that he could only envision Hamas surrendering some “offensive weapons” such as short-range and long-range missles.

However, he believes Hamas will never give up its small arms and light weapons, nor hand over a map of its sophisticated tunnel network, which it spent decades building to resist Israel.

“[Hamas] will only give up [light] weapons when there is no need for these weapons. This means they will only hand them over to a Palestinian leadership that assumes control of a state after Israel ends its occupation,” Keshawi told Al Jazeera.

Power vacuum?

Hamas was the largest of several armed groups in Gaza before Israel began its war on October 7, 2023, after the Hamas-led attack on southern Israel.

Some of these groups include Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades.

These groups have long been committed to waging armed resistance against Israel, and it is unclear to what degree they have been degraded by Israel’s relentless carpet bombing over the last two years.

During Israel’s genocide – recognised as such by scholars, the United Nations and human rights groups –  Israel has also propped up notorious gangs to steal and profiteer off the little aid it has allowed into the Gaza Strip.

Many Palestinians in Gaza believe Hamas should preserve some military capabilities to stop these gangs from exploiting a possible power vacuum, Taghreed Khodary, an analyst on Israel-Palestine who is from Gaza, told Al Jazeera.

“Israel created gangs and gave them weapons and guns to kill their own people [in Gaza]. Now Israel wants to expel Hamas, but Hamas is needed to maintain internal security,” she said.

“Hamas is very good at providing security,” she stressed.

Lovatt, from ECFR, added that Hamas may be willing to cooperate with an interim task force deployed to provide security and oversee a partial decommissioning of its weapons.

However, he said that Hamas would only agree to coordinating with such a force if its mandate clearly stipulates that it will not counter “terrorism” in any way.

“I’m sure there is very little appetite in Western capitals to play that ‘counterterrorism’ role, and it certainly wouldn’t be acceptable to Hamas. It would expose the international task force as explicitly serving Israel’s goals,” Lovatt told Al Jazeera.

‘Hamas as an idea’

Throughout Israel’s genocide, Israel has claimed that its war aim is to ostensibly dismantle Hamas. But Keshawi, the ICG researcher, said Hamas will never be fully defeated.

He predicts the group will absorb thousands of destitute and vengeful young men into its ranks in the coming years. To many people, he said, Hamas is not merely an organisation, but an “idea” that symbolises resistance.

“The [group] has set an example for the whole Arab world. They fought a war that nobody thought they could fight, even though the cost was very high,” Keshawi told Al Jazeera.

Still, Lovatt said the group remains pragmatic and is willing to make concessions to extend the ceasefire for as long as possible.

He noted that the sustainability of the ceasefire ultimately hinges on US President Donald Trump and other Western leaders reining in Israel and its maximalist demands.

“There is a very high risk that Israel is able to win the argument in Western capitals … that Hamas must be fully demilitarised [before the occupation ends],” he said.

Celebrate the ceasefire, but don’t forget: Gaza survived on its own

On November 7, 2023, children stood before cameras at al-Shifa Hospital and spoke in English, not their mother tongue, but in the language of those they thought might save them. “We want to live, we want peace, we want to judge the killers of children,” one boy said. “We want medicine, food and education. We want to live as other children live.” Even then, barely a month into the genocide, they had no clean drinking water, no food and no medicine. They begged in the colonisers’ language because they thought it might make their humanity legible.

I wonder how many of those children are dead now, how many never made it to this moment of “peace”, and whether they died still believing the world might answer their call.

Now, almost two years later, US President Donald Trump posts that he is “very proud” of the signing of the first phase of his “peace plan”. French President Emmanuel Macron praises and commends Trump’s initiative, while Israeli leader Yair Lapid calls on the Nobel Committee to award Trump a peace prize. Leaders have lined up to claim credit for ending a genocide they spent two years, and the previous 77, funding, arming and enabling.

But Gaza never needed saving. Gaza needed the world to stop killing it. Gaza needed the world to simply let its people live on their land, free of occupation, apartheid and genocide. Gaza’s people merely needed the objective, legal and moral standard generously afforded to those who murdered them. Gaza’s genocide exposed a world that preaches justice yet funds oppression, and a people who turned survival itself into defiance.

All that to say, glory to the Palestinian people, to their steadfastness and to their collective power. Palestinians refused to submit to a narrative imposed upon them, that they were beggars seeking aid, “terrorists” who needed to pay, or anything less than a people whose dignity deserved to be upheld without reservation or degradation.

Gaza did not fail. We did. Gaza resisted when the world expected it to break. Gaza stood alone when it should never have had to stand alone. Gaza endured despite international abandonment, despite governments that funded its destruction and now celebrate themselves as peacemakers.

As a man of faith, I am reminded of this:

“When they are told, ‘Do not spread corruption in the land,’ they reply, ‘We are only peacemakers!’” (Quran 2:11)

Nothing says peace like two years of starvation, bombardment and mass graves, when, instead of delivering food, they delivered shrouds.

And while Gaza bled, the powerful perfected the art of denial. And when I see the people of Gaza celebrating in the streets, I know that this celebration belongs to them alone, not to Donald Trump, who has announced he will visit the region to take credit for what he calls a “historic occasion”, and not to Western leaders who profited from Gaza’s devastation while pretending neutrality. The people rushing to cameras to claim credit are the same ones who made the genocide possible, who funded it with billions in military aid, armed it with precision-guided missiles and provided diplomatic cover at the United Nations while repeatedly vetoing UN Security Council ceasefire resolutions. The United States approved an additional $14.3bn in military aid during the genocide, bypassing congressional oversight multiple times to rush Apache helicopter missiles, 155mm artillery shells, night-vision equipment and bunker-busting bombs that landed on the heads of families as they slept.

Those of us sitting in the comfort of the West should feel shame. Americans like to imagine themselves on the right side of history. We tell ourselves that had we lived during Jim Crow or the Holocaust, we would have done anything to stop it. But we have 340 million people in America, and we could not stop our tax dollars from funding extermination. We could not even deliver baby formula, as we watched babies’ bodies waste away. Many sat in complicity, made excuses for the inexcusable, blamed Palestinians for their own deaths, and turned away from the horror because acknowledging it would have meant confronting our own government’s role in funding it. Our failure did not eclipse Palestinian agency; it made it more visible.

The only pressure that mattered came from the people Israel could not silence, Palestinians who livestreamed their own deaths so the world could not claim ignorance or accept Israel’s falsehoods as truth. Gaza survived because of its own resistance, a resistance to which its people are entitled. The ceasefire came because Palestinian steadfastness broke something the bombs could not touch, because the facade of Israeli victimhood crumbled under the weight of livestreamed atrocity, and because global public opinion turned against Israel despite every effort to manufacture consent for genocide. What it accomplished is written in civilian death rolls, not in security. That is what forced this ceasefire.

Palestine’s most celebrated poet, Mahmoud Darwish, knew how this would go: “The war will end. The leaders will shake hands. The old woman will keep waiting for her martyred son. That girl will wait for her beloved husband. And those children will wait for their heroic father. I don’t know who sold our homeland. But I saw who paid the price.” Now they broker peace between the killer and the killed, the butcher and the slain, and call it progress. The price was paid in Palestinian blood. And somewhere, an old woman, a new bride or an orphaned daughter is still waiting for their loved ones to come home.

There must be full accountability, not just for Israel but for every government and corporation that made this genocide possible. There must be a comprehensive arms embargo on Israel immediately, economic sanctions until there is complete withdrawal from occupied territory, freedom for the more than 10,000 Palestinian hostages, and reparations for reconstruction determined and distributed by Palestinians themselves. War criminals must be prosecuted at The Hague, regardless of which nation objects. This is just the start. Justice is not a diplomatic option; it is the minimum measure of our shared humanity.

The “peace” Trump’s plan promises died with every child in Gaza, every displaced family, and every day the world called genocide “self-defence”, ignoring the International Court of Justice’s 2004 ruling that an occupier cannot claim self-defence against the occupied.

The only just future is complete liberation — one democratic state with equal rights for all, beginning with Gaza’s right to determine its own fate without siege, without occupation and without foreign control disguised as peacekeeping. But first, the people of Gaza have earned the right to mourn, to count their dead and bury them properly, and above all, to feel this small moment of joy. Palestinians have earned, through unimaginable suffering, the right to define what freedom looks like. The rest of the world has no standing to tell them otherwise.

For those of us in the West, we must make sure that the world does not return to normal. We cannot be lulled back to sleep by the temporary cessation of air strikes while the occupation continues. Israel cannot continue as if it did not commit the gravest crime of our generation. The hundreds of thousands of martyred and maimed Palestinians demand justice that cannot be denied.

We cannot rest until the entire system of occupation and apartheid is dismantled and replaced with liberation. This is only the beginning. Free Palestine, from the river to the sea.