A Brazilian lawmaker was removed from Congress by police on Tuesday as he staged a protest against a bill which could drastically reduce ex-President Jair Bolsonaro’s 27-year prison sentence.
The military gains made by forces of the Southern Transitional Council (STC) in southern Yemen mark a significant turning point in the country’s political and military conflicts.
The latest fighting is between the STC and internationally recognised Yemeni government, known as the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC), and led by Rashad al-Alimi. The irony here is that the STC, led by Aidarus al-Zubaidi, is also a member of the Yemeni PLC. But the relationship between the two groups is shaky and at times, turbulent.
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Yemen’s government condemned the STC’s latest military advance and land grab across the south and labelled the group separatists – calling their action a “unilateral and a blatant violation of the transitional phase’s framework”.
On the ground, STC forces have completed their control over the remaining southern governorates, furthering the group’s efforts to revive its decades-old aspiration of establishing an independent state in the south of Yemen.
The latest and rapid developments are redrawing the map of control in Yemen, and it could have further implications on the future of a strong, coherent and unified country.
The fall of Hadramout last week was sudden, and it was seen as a shocking development – although it came after a long period of tension in the oil-rich province. The Yemeni government remained more of a bystander – maintaining some military brigades stationed in its camps in the governorates of Hadramout and al-Mahra. While local and tribal proxies affiliated with regional countries, they were competing for control and influence.
Taking advantage of its superior military equipment and massive forces, the STC advanced nearly unchallenged to overtake Hadramout and al-Mahra.
The government forces lacked modern weapons, sufficient manpower and perhaps the willingness to fight.
The fall of Hadramout was pivotal and posed greater importance in the eyes of many Yemeni politicians, given the special status of this governorate locally and regionally. It dealt a final blow to what remained of the components of Yemeni unity and the government’s legitimacy, and it thwarted all the bets that considered Hadramout to be immune from falling to STC forces.
Both the incoming STC forces and government and local tribal fighters had their own alliances and allegiances to competing regional powers – with connections and loyalties with tribal leaders, politicians and local actors in Hadramout.
Hadramout is a crucial and essential governorate in Yemen, occupying more than a third of the country’s area, approximately 200,000 square kilometres (77,000 square miles), with a population of nearly two million.
It is home to the largest share of Yemen’s oil wealth, containing the most important oil fields and export terminals. Furthermore, it is a stronghold of Yemeni and Arab Gulf businessmen and a cradle of cultural and historical wealth. In short, Hadramout is the Yemeni governorate that possesses the elements of a fully fledged state, and its inhabitants had hoped to establish a Hadrami state that would restore their past glories, far removed from the political and military conflict that engulfed the rest of Yemen’s governorates.
Hadramout governorate has always had a unique political and administrative character throughout all eras and political systems, especially during the socialist regime that ruled the South from the early 1970s until 1990, when the two Yemeni parts, North and South, unified.
This unique character continued under the unified state, as Hadramout remained governed by its own people and refused to accept officials from outside its geographical boundaries. Consequently, the people of Hadramout consider the STC’s control over it an unprecedented occupation, given that most of the STC’s leaders come from the Lahj and Dhale governorates, which are marginal areas – and that would be unacceptable for them. Therefore, the stability and continuity of the STC’s authority in the governorate are doubtful because the group lacks local and popular support.
These repercussions will undoubtedly cast a shadow over the eight-member PLC in Yemen, headed by Rashad al-Alimi, who, along with his cabinet members and his guards, was expelled from the presidential palace in the al-Maashiq district of Aden.
Many considered this a “divorce without return” and a disastrous end to all previous understandings and agreements aimed at maintaining a political order based on shared principles that would not harm any party.
In light of these developments, the legitimate government now only controls modest areas of land in the governorates of Taiz and Marib.
But Marib is already besieged by Houthi forces from the north, and by the STC forces from the south. The Houthis are a group backed by Iran and control the capital and the north and northwestern parts of Yemen. Taiz is besieged by the Houthis from the north and from the east by the forces of Brigadier General Tariq Saleh, the son of the ousted Yemeni president, Ali Abdullah Saleh.
It is not unlikely that these areas will fall into the hands of either of these two powerful parties at any moment. If that happens, the legitimate Yemeni government will become just a piece of paper, even though it practically lacks any influence on the ground since the rise of the STC forces and the growing power of the Houthis.
As political sociology researcher Fayrouz al-Wali says, the STC does not have the authority to declare southern independence, despite its military control on the ground, because this decision rests not with it but with external regional powers that have deep interests in southern Yemen.
She noted that the path to statehood in the south does not lead through the gates of the Ma’ashiq Palace in Aden, but rather through the United Nations Security Council, where regional powers could play a pivotal role.
There is also a realisation that it would be difficult for the STC to declare independence in the foreseeable future, at least, because of the lack of essential resources to fund the budget of a nascent state without even the most basic elements of sustainability. Such a state would inherit an empty treasury from a country exhausted by more than a decade of war.
Heavy rains have flooded thousands of tents sheltering displaced Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, the latest misery to befall civilians in the enclave, which has suffered more than two years of Israel’s genocidal war.
Heavy rainfall in advance of Storm Byron began before dawn on Wednesday, submerging thousands of tents in several areas across the besieged and bombarded territory.
Palestinian Civil Defence spokesman Mahmoud Basal warned in a video statement of an “imminent humanitarian disaster” resulting from the severe weather conditions.
On Tuesday, the Gaza Government Media Office warned that a polar low-pressure system would affect the enclave from Wednesday until Friday evening, threatening hundreds of thousands of displaced families.
Most municipal wastewater networks in Gaza are destroyed or severely damaged by Israel, so any floodwater from the storm is highly likely to mix with raw sewage, significantly raising the spread of diseases like dysentery and cholera.
With rubbish collection largely halted, vast piles of solid waste have accumulated across the besieged enclave, meaning that heavy rains could mobilise medical waste, plastics, animal remains and debris into areas where displaced Palestinians are sheltering.
Groundwater resources that are tapped by residents could also be contaminated, while surface flooding could stagnate in some areas instead of receding since stormwater drainage and pumping stations are offline.
Basal said aid entering Gaza still falls far short of meeting the needs of the territory’s 2.4 million residents, who are facing a severe humanitarian crisis, and called for immediate international action.
While the future of Mohamed Salah at Liverpool hangs in the balance, Egypt teammates have rallied behind the national team captain ahead of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) in Morocco.
The record seven-time continental champions are in Group B with Angola, South Africa and Zimbabwe, and will be based in the southern coastal city of Agadir throughout the first round.
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“Players like him do not get benched,” said striker Ahmed “Kouka” Hassan on social media, referring to Salah being a substitute in the last three Liverpool fixtures, and coming on only once.
“If he starts on the bench, you must make sure he is the first to come on, after 60 minutes, 65 at the latest.
“Mo is not just a teammate, he is a leader, a legend for club and country. Keep working hard, brother, every situation in life is temporary, moments like this pass, what stays is your greatness.”
Head coach and former star Hossam Hassan posted a photograph of himself and Salah and a message: “Always a symbol of perseverance and strength.”
“The greatest Liverpool legend of all time,” wrote winger Ahmed “Zizo” El Sayed. Goalkeeper Mohamed Sobhy called Salah “always the best”.
Liverpool have struggled in their title defence this season and lie 10th after 15 rounds, 10 points behind leaders Arsenal. Salah has also battled with just four goals in 13 top-flight appearances.
After twice surrendering the lead in a 3-3 draw at Leeds United last Saturday, Salah told reporters, “It seems like the club has thrown me under the bus”.
“I think it is very clear that someone wanted me to get all of the blame (for the slump) … someone does not want me in the club.”
Salah was omitted from the squad that travelled to Milan for a Champions League clash with Inter on Tuesday and has hinted that he may not play for Liverpool again.
Saudi Arabia says it will do “whatever it can” to recruit Salah during the mid-season transfer window, a Public Investment Fund (PIF) source in the kingdom told AFP.
Although Egypt last won the AFCON 15 years ago in Luanda, Salah, 33, believes they will lift the trophy again before he retires.
“It will happen – that is what I believe. It is a great feeling every time you step on the field wearing the Egyptian colours.”
Salah has suffered much heartbreak in four AFCON tournaments as Egypt twice finished runners-up and twice exited in the round of 16.
He created the goal that put the Pharaohs ahead in the 2017 final, but Cameroon clawed back to win 2-1 in Libreville.
Hosts and title favourites Egypt were stunned by South Africa in the first knockout round two years later, conceding a late goal to lose 1-0.
Egypt reached the final again in 2022, only to lose on penalties to Senegal after 120 goalless minutes in Yaounde.
In the Ivory Coast last year, Salah suffered a hamstring injury against Ghana and took no further part in the tournament. Egypt lost on penalties to the Democratic Republic of the Congo in a last-16 clash.
This year, Egypt boast an array of attacking talent with Salah, Omar Marmoush from Manchester City, Mostafa Mohamed of Nantes and Mahmoud “Trezeguet” Hassan and Zizo from Cairo giants Al Ahly.
Group B is the only one of the six in Morocco featuring two qualifiers for the 2026 World Cup, with Egypt and South Africa heading to the global showpiece in North America.
South Africa exceeded expectations by finishing third at the 2024 AFCON, but Belgian coach Hugo Broos expects a tougher campaign in a tournament that kicks off on December 21.
“It will be harder because every opponent will be more motivated to beat us after our bronze medals,” said the tactician who guided Cameroon to the 2017 AFCON title.
Angola and Zimbabwe recently changed coaches, with France-born Patrice Beaumelle and Romanian Mario Marinica hired.
The Angolans have reached the quarterfinals three times, including last year, while the Zimbabweans have never gone beyond the first round.
Palestine has made history in the Arab Cup, reaching the quarterfinals for the first time. For Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, the team’s success has offered a rare moment of joy amidst the devastation of Israel’s genocidal war and occupation.
About 200,000 people have fled their homes in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in recent days, the United Nations says, as Rwanda-backed rebels swarm a strategic town just days after a United States-led peace effort, which now appears under severe threat.
The M23 armed group pushed into the outskirts of the strategic city of Uvira in South Kivu province on Tuesday, local authorities said, as part of a new offensive in which at least 74 people had been killed, according to the UN.
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The latest fighting comes despite a US-mediated peace agreement signed last week by the Congolese and Rwandan presidents in Washington, DC. The accord did not include the rebels, who are negotiating separately with the DRC and agreed earlier this year to a ceasefire that both sides accuse each other of violating, but it obliges Rwanda to halt support for armed groups.
Despite the renewed fighting just beginning on Monday, the M23 has managed to capture several strongholds, including Uvira now, “a big gain”, said Al Jazeera’s Alain Uaykani, reporting from Goma, the biggest city in the eastern DRC.
Uvira has not just been a military base but also the administrative place for the government since they were chased out from the town of Bukavu in January, he said.
“So it was almost like a stronghold of the government position, from where they reorganised themselves,” Uaykani said, adding that it was also a place the government was hoping to chase out the rebels from.
“There is no DRC army in sight because the majority of them took the boat yesterday to cross into the neighbouring province of Tanganyika, and the majority of them are still making their way forward,” he added.
Gunshots were heard in the morning in the key city, and the army looted the governor’s office while leaving the town, Uaykani said.
Uvira is a strategic site because the city borders Burundi, and the Burundian army has been supporting the DRC for the last two years, he explained.
The M23 group is battling Congolese troops and other local groups, known as Wazalendo, in villages north of Uvira.
Marafiki Masimango, a representative of Uvira civil society, said late on Tuesday that rebels were pushing south into South Kivu. He said residents were panicked.
A senior Congolese army officer also confirmed to The Associated Press news agency that soldiers were fleeing the rebel offensive and heading south and east towards Burundi.
Corneille Nangaa, leader of the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) rebel coalition, urged fleeing soldiers not to abandon the town.
“You are Congolese … and Wazalendo soldiers. Do not flee Uvira. Wait for us to free you,” said Nangaa of the AFC, a broad coalition of which M23 is a part.
In Washington, DC, the International Contact Group for the Great Lakes (ICG), an informal monitoring group of several countries, including the US and the European Union, late on Tuesday voiced “profound concern” over the renewed violence, the ICG said in a joint statement.
It said the new M23 rebel offensive “has a destabilising potential for the whole region”.
Despite the group’s intention to advance on Uvira, M23 leader Bertrand Bisimwa reiterated the group’s support for Qatari-led peace talks in Doha, where representatives from the two sides signed a framework agreement last month for a peace deal aimed at ending fighting in the eastern DRC.
“Even if we counterattack, we said that there are no other solutions in the current crisis than the negotiating table, and we want to bring Kinshasa to the negotiating table,” Bisimwa said.
Rwanda denies supporting the rebels in the DRC, although Washington and the UN say evidence of Rwandan backing is clear. Before the latest surge in fighting, the conflict had already displaced at least 1.2 million people.
In a speech to lawmakers on Monday, DRC President Felix Tshisekedi accused Rwanda of violating the commitments it made in the US.