Category World News

As youth reportedly tore up the regional office of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Ladakh, a high-altitude cold desert region in the Himalayas, on Wednesday, sparking violent Gen Z-led protests.

As protesters, including students, clashed with the police in Leh, the regional capital, at least four of them were killed and dozens were injured, protest coordinators told Al Jazeera, following additional deployment of the armed forces. According to authorities, the clashes also left dozens of security personnel dead.

In Ladakh, thousands of people have marched peacefully and staged hunger strikes in protest of India’s continued federal government’s authority over the region for the past six years. They want the power to elect a local government.

However, Sonam Wangchuk, an educator who has been organizing a number of hunger strikes, claimed that groups of disenchanted youths broke away from those peaceful protests on Wednesday.

In a video statement, Wangchuk referred to recent uprisings in South Asian nations, including those that occurred in Nepal earlier this month, which led to the overthrow of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s government. “It was an outburst of youth, a kind of Gen-Z revolution, that brought them on streets,” Wangchuk said.

So, what’s happening in Ladakh? What do they demand? How did this area of the Himalayas arrive? And why does the crisis in Ladakh matter so much?

What triggered clashes in Ladakh?

The Ladakh Apex Body, a group of socio-religious and political organizations, launched its 15th day of a hunger strike led by local Ladakhi activists on Wednesday morning.

Following two weeks of a hunger strike, two activists, 62 and 71, received a call from the organizers for a local shutdown. The protesters were also angry with the Modi government for delaying talks with them.

In a virtual press conference on Wednesday evening, Wangchuk said, “peace is not working, because of these issues, which gave the youth a false impression.

The youth-led organizations then departed from the Martyrs’ Memorial Park protest site and moved toward the local government buildings and a BJP office, where they were chanting slogans, which caused altercations with the police. Four were killed and another remains critical, while dozens were injured.

The bloodiest day in Ladakh’s history is “this.” The general public who was out supporting the demands of the strike was sacrificed by them, according to Jigmat Paljor, the organizer of the apex body that organized the hunger strikes.

“The people were tired of fake promises for five years by the government, and people were filled with anger”, Paljor told Al Jazeera. He claimed that his organization withdrew the hunger strike and demanded peace amid the hostility.

More than 30 forces personnel were injured in clashes with an “unruly mob,” according to the home ministry of India in a statement, and “police had to resort to firing” in self-defense, leading to “some casualties.”

The government said that “it was clear that the mob was incited by]Wangchuk]”, adding that the educator was “misleading the people through his provocative mention of Arab Spring-style protest and references to Gen Z protests in Nepal”. Wangchuk insists he has never advocated violence himself, but has warned that if the government ignores the demands of peaceful protesters, youth sentiments could turn to violence.

What are protesters’ goals?

In 2019, the Modi government unilaterally stripped the semi-autonomous status and statehood that Indian-administered Kashmir had previously enjoyed under the Indian constitution.

The state’s three regions, Ladakh, Jammu, and Kashmir, where there are about 40% of the population, are made up of Muslims and Buddhists.

The former state was then divided into Jammu and Kashmir, which had a legislature, and Ladakh, which had not. While both are federally governed and neither has the powers of other states in India, Jammu and Kashmir’s legislature at least allows its population to elect local leaders who can represent their concerns and voice them to New Delhi. Locals contend that Ladakh lacks that.

India, Pakistan, and China are disputing Kashmir, where each of their three nuclear-armed neighbors has a claim to control a portion. India claims all of it, and Pakistan claims all except the part held by China, its ally. Pakistan is bordered by India’s Kashmir in the west, and Ladakh and China share a 1,600-mile (994-mile) border there.

Ladakhis have been living under bureaucratic rule since the statehood ended. More than 90 percent of the region’s population is listed as Scheduled Tribes. In response to this situation, Ladakh should be included in the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, which provides autonomous administrative and governance to areas with recognized indigenous populations as the majority of the population. In the northeastern states of India are currently referred to as “10 regions” by the schedule.

However, the Modi government has so far resisted both statehood and the protections of the Sixth Schedule for Ladakh.

Ladakhis are more difficult to find employment in Jammu and Kashmir, where the majority of jobs were held in the region before it was united, because of Jammu and Kashmir’s separation from Ladakh. Residents have also alleged that the Indian government hasn’t implemented clear hiring guidelines for employees in the public sector since 2019.

“]The young protesters] are unemployed for five years, and Ladakh is not being granted]constitutional] protections”, Wangchuk said on Wednesday. The formula for social unrest in society is to keep youth unemployed before denying them their democratic rights.

Ladakh’s literacy rate is 97 percent, which is significantly higher than India’s average of about 80% on the national scale. But a 2023 survey found that 26.5 percent of Ladakh’s graduates are unemployed – double the national average.

The anger escalated on Wednesday.

Siddiq Wahid, a Leh academic and political analyst, called “what’s happening in Ladakh horrifying.” “It is scary to see Ladakh sort of pushed to this edge”.

Ladakhis have come to terms with the dangers their identity faces, he said, adding that the people have been “adamant about the need to reclaim their rights since they were taken away six years ago.”

“The youth anger is a particularly worrying angle because they’re impatient,” the author writes. They’ve been waiting for a resolution for years”, said Wahid. They are now frustrated because they don’t see a future for themselves.

Have there been protests earlier in Ladakh?

Yes . Numerous local civic organizations have staged protest marches and occasionally taken out hunger strikes in response to the region’s semi-autonomous status and the removal of statehood.

Wangchuk, the educator, has led five hunger strikes in the last three years, demanding constitutional protections for Ladakh. He is also the most well-known participant in the Ladakh protests, which are also influenced by his earlier initiatives to promote sustainability. A Bollywood blockbuster film that has a lot of fans in China has also been inspired by Wangchuk’s life.

The site of the hunger strike, the Martyrs ‘ Memorial Park, is also dedicated to three Ladakhis who were killed in August 1989 in a firing incident during protests. The protests at the time were motivated by anger over the state’s perceived Kashmiri supremacy, which Ladakh, Jammu, and Kashmir were all a part of.

The site also pays tribute to two more than one protester who died in a January 1981 riot against Ladakhis demanding Scheduled Tribe status.

But Wednesday’s protest marked the deadliest day in Ladakh’s political history.

Sajad Kargili, a civil member of a committee set up by the Modi government to address activists protesting in Ladakh, cited the “frustration of our youth” as evidence.

According to Kargili, “the government needs to understand that there are young people here who are upset and not choosing to participate in a hunger strike.” “The Modi government should not turn its back on these calls”.

Why is Ladakh such a significant place?

Ladakh sits at India’s Himalayan frontier, bordering China.

In the event of a conflict with China, India’s military will need access to important mountain passes, airfields, and supply routes. Following a Chinese incursion in eastern Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), Indian and Chinese forces clashed in 2020.

At least 20 Indian forces personnel were killed alongside four Chinese. Tens of thousands of troops were mobilized on both sides as a result of the conflict, and high-altitude posts were quickly deployed with heavy weapons and infrastructure.

Ladakh has remained the focal point of India-China border tensions ever since. Multiple rounds of military and diplomatic talks have led to a thaw since late last year.

Climate experts criticize China’s new pledge to reduce greenhouse gas emissions as “disappointing” and “underwhelming.” They warn that the pledge falls far short of the steps required to prevent a global warming.

However, the objective also raised concerns that China, which has so far only committed to lowering emissions, might eventually be able to achieve much more ambitious reductions as a result of a significant increase in renewable energy capacity.

Chinese President Xi Jinping stated in a video message to the UN on Wednesday that China would reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by 7 to 10% from their all-time highs by 2035.

China, the biggest pollutant in the world, set out a goal to completely reduce emissions for the first time.

Xi also pledged to increase wind and solar capacity by sixfold in 2020 and increase the share of non-fossil fuel sources in energy consumption by more than 30%.

While China’s goal falls far short of the Paris Agreement’s goals, according to some analysts, which is a significant moment in the global fight against climate change at a time when the United States is giving up efforts to reduce emissions.

This target will not reduce emissions, according to Bill Hare, CEO of Berlin-based policy institute Climate Analytics, who stated to Al Jazeera, “which is regrettable very disappointing.”

China’s performance far exceeds its highest possible ambition, and it hardly reflects this.

According to the Center for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), China would need to reduce emissions in accordance with the Paris Agreement by about 30%.

The average global temperature must not rise above pre-industrial levels in accordance with the agreement, which was signed by 195 nations in 2015.

Following President Donald Trump’s exit from the Paris Agreement, which China has criticized as “the greatest con ever committed on the world,” in his UN speech this week, China’s actions on climate are viewed as particularly crucial.

Li Shuo, director of the China Climate Hub at the Asia Society Policy Institute, stated on Al Jazeera that “China’s underwhelming headline target misses a chance to deliver real leadership.”

When science demands a full sprint, Beijing is “choosing to tiptoe forward.” Unfortunately, the pledge would still lead to disastrous climate effects for the world.

Important issues with the emissions target, such as how Beijing would define peak emissions, were left unanswered by Xi’s announcement.

Many climate experts think that China’s emissions have reached or will exceed the previous year’s high, but some observers think that the trend has been influenced by both the decline in business activity during the COVID-19 pandemic and the development of renewable energy.

China’s efforts to combat climate change have had a paradoxical impact.

The nation is a leader in green energy, accounting for roughly one-third of the world’s emissions.

According to the International Energy Agency, China produces 70% of its electric cars and about 80% of the world’s solar panels.

According to London-based energy think tank Ember, the nation also produces about 60% of wind turbines worldwide.

China has continued to make significant investments in coal at the same time.

The CREA reported that nearly 100 gigawatts (GW) of new or suspended coal power projects were being constructed last year, which is the most in a decade.

“China’s new pledge clearly falls short of what was anticipated. The country has just approved more projects than it has ever done in nearly a decade, according to Andreas Sieber, associate director of policy and campaigns at 350.org, despite President Xi’s earlier pledge to strictly control new coal power.

The targets announced today, which are ambiguous on the base year and conservative on renewables, leave plenty of room for coal-heavy sectors to increase their emissions.

Climate experts expressed hope that China’s target could be a&nbsp, a sign of further transformative change.

Beijing has a tendency to set goals that it can “confidently deliver,” according to Yao Zhe, a Beijing-based policy adviser at Greenpeace East Asia, despite the announcement’s undercrowding.

According to Yao, “the actual decarbonization of China’s economy is likely to exceed its target on paper,” Yao said in a statement in response to the target. According to her organization, emissions from China’s power sector could reach peak this year.

China is more effective than most to encourage climate change, according to Li of the Asia Society.

The nation has come out as a global clean tech superpower, and its dominance in the field might help it surpass its current goals, he said.

Medan, Indonesia – Delima, a sales representative in Indonesia’s fourth-largest city, used to collapse the moment she got home after spending the whole day on her feet serving customers.

But recently, Delima, who works at a cosmetics store in one of Medan’s upscale malls, has felt like she has “nothing to do”.

“The mall is so quiet now, and when customers do come into the store, they have no intention of buying anything. They just use all the free testers, especially perfume, and then leave,” she told Al Jazeera.

Delima’s experience reflects “Rohana” and “Rojali”, the latest buzzwords to sweep Indonesian social media, in action.

“Rohana” and “Rojali”, portmanteaus of the Indonesian for “groups who just ask” and “groups who rarely buy”, have emerged as popular internet slang terms to describe the phenomenon of people who visit malls purely to engage in window shopping.

While it is difficult to put a precise figure on Indonesia’s window shoppers, there are signs that many Indonesians are tightening their belts as they find their rupiah going less far than in the past.

PT Unilever Indonesia, which produces everyday products ranging from ice cream to shampoo and toothpaste, saw its sales decline nearly 4.5 percent in the first half of 2025.

PT Matahari Department Store, which operates a chain of stores selling clothes, household appliances and beauty products, saw a steeper drop of more than 9 percent.

Tulus Abadi, the chairman of the Indonesian Consumers Foundation, said discussions of “Rohana” and “Rojali” reflect real shifts in people’s material circumstances.

“Transactions at shopping centres are dropping significantly. Sales of private cars and motorcycles are also declining,” he told Al Jazeera.

“This indicates that middle-class consumers are experiencing a decline in purchasing power. Yet, it is the middle class that is the driving force of the economy.”

On paper, Southeast Asia’s largest economy has been in good shape of late. Gross domestic product (GDP) expanded by 5.12 percent year-on-year in the April-June period, according to the Indonesian Bureau of Statistics, the fastest pace in two years and ahead of economists’ forecasts.

Still, economic discontent among Indonesians is not hard to find, erupting most visibly in deadly protests that swept the archipelago in late August.

Thousands of Indonesians took to the streets in cities across the country to protest against budget cuts to education, public works and healthcare, as well as the introduction of a monthly housing allowance for lawmakers worth about $3,000 – almost 10 times Indonesia’s monthly minimum wage.

In a survey published by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore in January, young Indonesians expressed markedly more pessimistic attitudes about the economy and the government than their peers in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, and Vietnam.

Whereas an average of 75 percent of respondents expressed optimism about the government’s economic plans across the six countries, only about 58 percent of Indonesian youth felt the same, according to the poll.

About 16 percent of the more than 44 million Indonesians aged 15-24 are out of work, according to government statistics – more than double the rate of neighbouring Thailand and Vietnam.

Government officials have downplayed suggestions that Rohana and Rojali reflect real-life conditions.

Speaking at a news conference in Jakarta last month, Chief Economic Affairs Minister Airlangga Hartarto said spending habits were simply moving online, pointing to rising household consumption among other positive data.

“The narrative around Rojali and Rohana is being blown out of proportion,” Airlangga said.

Teguh Yudo Wicaksono, an economics lecturer at Universitas Islam Indonesia, said official economic data painted a complex picture.

While household consumption grew nearly 5 percent in the second quarter, retail sales weakened slightly, though remaining higher than the same period last year, Wicaksono said.

“So, what can we conclude from this indicator? I think there may indeed be a weakening of purchasing power, but this may be occurring in certain segments,” he said.

Wicaksono said while weakened purchasing power could be at play, consumers also appeared to be shifting their spending patterns.

“People are starting to increase spending related to sports, hobbies, and entertainment. Some are spending on services,” he said.

“The proportion of this increase in spending has almost doubled, and this is happening primarily in the lower-middle-class segment. As a result, the portion of spending in other groups has decreased, especially for certain types of goods. This is what we perceive as the Rohana and Rojali phenomenon.”

Abadi of the Indonesian Consumers Foundation said the growing popularity of internet shopping had contributed to the Rohana-Rojali trend.

“The digital economy has rendered malls merely a means of window shopping,” he said.

In an online survey conducted earlier this year by Snapcart, a platform for analysing consumer behaviour based on customer receipts, half of the Indonesian respondents said they viewed online shopping as more practical than visiting brick-and-mortar shopping centres.

Shopee was the most popular platform, used by 90 percent of online shoppers, followed by Tokopedia, Lazada and Alfa Gift, according to the survey.

Dewi Fauna, an admin assistant for an overseas client, said she had begun to embody the Rohana and Rojali phenomenon due to budget concerns and the convenience of e-commerce.

“I only go to the mall to eat in the restaurants and I rarely buy anything, mostly because of the price, and there are not as many options,” she told Al Jazeera.

“I don’t like to look around from one store to another just to find one item. With the same quality, you can get cheaper if you shop online.”

Fauna said she enjoys frequenting malls for the social aspect that they can provide.

“I go with friends or with my husband. I never go alone to the mall because the purpose of going to the mall, for me, is having fun with friends, and chatting while eating,” Fauna said.