Saudi fund, Kushner’s firm to buy games maker Electronic Arts in $55bn deal

The largest leveraged buyout in history, worth $55 billion, was made by Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund, an investment firm led by the son-in-law of the US president, and a California-based private equity firm.

The $1 trillion Saudi venture, the Public Investment Fund (PIF), teamed up with Silver Lake Investment Partners, a technology and media-focused investment firm, and Jared Kushner’s Affinity Partners, a $1 trillion Saudi company.

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A 25 percent premium over the company’s stock price prior to last week’s rumor of the deal and even a premium over the company’s record-high stock price of more than $ 179 in mid-August were reached when they reached a deal to pay EA shareholders.

EA’s shares increased by 15% from the initial rumors, and they have increased by at least another 5% since the deal was announced on Monday, allowing them to trade on Tuesday for more than $200 per share. The transaction, which places the company in private, is scheduled to close in the first quarter of the fiscal year 2027, which would ideally occur in 2026.

July 27, 2020, in Los Angeles, California. [File: Mike Blake/Reuters]

By the close of the deal, EA’s 36-year history as a publicly traded company will be over. It will no longer need to publish quarterly financial statements, and its stock will be removed from the NASDAQ.

The three sponsors will contribute about $36 billion in equity, including a 9 percent stake in the business, which the Saudi wealth fund already holds and is rolled in.

JPMorgan Chase is providing a history-making $20 billion in debt financing under the umbrella of the banking giant, about $ 18 billion of which will go toward closing the deal.

The transaction was approved by EA’s board of directors, EA stated in a statement. Stakeholders and regulatory bodies must still approve the agreement.

Due to the significant cash profits it will bring, the stakeholders are unlikely to decline the transaction, which is not thought to be affected by antitrust concerns like Microsoft’s acquisition of Activision Blizzard, which is a financial transfer of ownership rather than a merger of direct competitors.

Kushner, who had close ties with Arab leaders while he was president, commented on EA in a statement following the deal, saying, “I’ve admired their ability to create iconic, lasting experiences.

EA owns studios like Bioware and Maxis, which produce huge award-winning series like Mass Effect and The Sims, as well as huge game franchises like Battlefield, Sports FC football games, and Madden NFL.

CEO Andrew Wilson will continue in charge for the time being with the same structure and schedule.

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Demetre Daskalakis, the former US vaccine director, claims a “chaose agent” is in charge of the nation’s health department, which is harming vulnerable people. Following her months-long dispute with health secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Dr. Daskalakis was one of the three directors to resign in August. Since then, Dr. Daskalakis has publicly criticized Kennedy, accusing him of intentionally destabilizing the nation’s vaccine program by supporting his own ideology and sidelining experts.

Suicide blast near paramilitary headquarters in Pakistan’s Quetta kills 10

Islamabad, Pakistan – A powerful car bomb blast outside the headquarters of Pakistan’s paramilitary Frontier Corps in the southwestern city of Quetta has killed at least 10 people and wounded more than 30 others, authorities said.

The explosion, swiftly followed by heavy gunfire, tore through the vicinity of Zarghoon Road in Quetta, capital of Balochistan province, on Tuesday.

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“Two law enforcement personnel were killed while the rest of the dead were civilians,” Bakht Muhammad Kakar, the provincial health minister, told Al Jazeera.

Rescue workers carry a victim’s body to hospital after the car bombing in Quetta [Arshad Butt/AP Photo]

A security camera video posted on social media showed a vehicle turning towards the regional headquarters of the Frontier Corps and exploding within seconds.

Naresh Kumar, a witness, said he was standing outside his office close to the targeted building when the explosion took place. “My mind just went blank. I got hit by shards of glasses in my arm and back. The explosion was just massive,” Kumar told Al Jazeera.

Inam, another injured person who only gave his first name, was brought to the hospital where he was treated for wounds after glass shards injured his back due to the explosion.

“Our office is right around the paramilitary building. We were working in our office when the explosion totally rocked us and then everything went dark. I could hear firing which lasted for a while before the law enforcement arrived to take control,” he told Al Jazeera via telephone from the hospital.

Balochistan’s Chief Minister Mir Sarfraz Bugti condemned the incident, labelling it a “terrorist attack”. Speaking after the blast, Bugti confirmed that at least four attackers were killed by the security personnel.

Security officials examine damaged vehicles at the site of a powerful car bombing, in Quetta, Pakistan, Tuesday, Sept. 30, 2025. (AP Photo/Arshad Butt)
Security officials examine damaged vehicles at the site of the bombing in Quetta [Arshad Butt/AP]

Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari issued a strong condemnation over the attack, saying, “The misguided extremists were acting on India’s agenda.” He did not give details.

India has not yet responded to the allegation. No group has claimed responsibility for the bombing.

Balochistan’s economic significance

Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest yet most sparsely populated province. Home to about 15 million people in a country of roughly 240 million, it remains the country’s poorest province despite possessing vast reserves of oil, coal, gold, copper, and gas. While these resources contribute substantially to the revenues of the federal government, the province itself faces economic hardships.

Balochistan is also home to Gwadar, a strategic deep-sea port which is the centrepiece of $60bn China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project designed to establish a trade link between southwestern China and the Arabian Sea.

However, Chinese investments, particularly in Balochistan, have fuelled local resentments. Residents accuse Chinese firms of “stealing local resources” and this sentiment has repeatedly driven local armed groups to attack Chinese personnel and installations.

The province also has the Reko Diq reserves, which are said to contain the world’s fifth-largest copper deposits.

Canadian firm Barrick Mining has been operating at the site since 2022. Earlier this month, Pakistan also signed a $500m deal with a United States-based firm to export critical minerals and rare earth elements.

Injured victims of a powerful car bombing, receive treatment at a hospital in Quetta, Pakistan, Tuesday, Sept. 30, 2025. (AP Photo/Arshad Butt)
Injured victims of the blast receive treatment at a hospital in Quetta [Arshad Butt/AP]

The local resentments have fuelled a rebellion movement for decades, which aims to establish an independent Balochistan state.

As violence escalates in the province, analysts have questioned the government’s ability in eliminating the armed and rebel groups such as the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) or the Baloch Liberation Front (BLF).

Muhammad Arif, an expert on international relations, said the demography of Balochistan is complex for both the violent groups as well as the government as he pointed out a logistical challenge inherent in the province’s topography.

“It is not possible for non-state actors to take control of the region of Balochistan with its vast, difficult terrain, but at the same time, the security of each and every corner of the state is difficult for the same reasons,” he said.

Arif suggested that a recent surge in violence could be linked to the government’s counter-insurgency operations.

“It is believed that the Baloch Liberation Army and other groups have suffered heavy casualties in the last couple of weeks, with the Pakistani forces helped by Chinese communication equipment along with drones and Pakistani jet fighters. [Tuesday’s] attack could be a retaliation move,” the Quetta-based analyst told Al Jazeera.

What is Israel’s endgame in Africa?

In late August, government officials from Zambia and Israel assembled to celebrate the reopening of the Israeli embassy in Lusaka. It was the first time in 52 years that an Israeli flag would be raised in the Zambian capital, following a long period of severed ties.

“Israel is returning to Zambia. Israel is returning to Africa,” Gideon Saar, the Israeli foreign affairs minister, who had flown into the country for the event and led the ribbon-cutting, declared in a post on X. Undoubtedly, for Saar, this was a true feat, coming at a time when much of the world is isolating Israel due to its devastating onslaught on the Gaza Strip. Israeli media hailed the move as a triumph. One called the small Southern African country Israel’s “next great Africa frontier”.

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“Many countries in Africa are lining up for Israel to open an embassy in their capitals, these days,” Saar boasted in a speech at the ceremony. “We choose to begin in Zambia.”

The reopening event appears to be part of a series of calculated moves by Israel to pull African nations to its side at a time when its global standing is damaged, experts say.

Israel’s war on Gaza, labelled in mid-September as a genocide by a United Nations panel of inquiry, has seen Israel kill at least 66,055 Palestinians and level almost every part of the Strip. Some say strengthening ties with Zambia appears to be Israel’s crack at weakening its regional neighbour, South Africa, which is Israel’s fiercest critic in Africa.

“It’s a play of the decades-old divide and rule strategy to erode regional support among states and actors aligned with South Africa,” researcher Faith Mabera of the University of the Witwatersrand told Al Jazeera, adding that the move could undermine Pretoria’s influence within the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

A week before the Zambia event, Israel’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Sharren Haskel, visited Nigeria, where she met with her counterpart. However, Abuja, which has proclaimed support for Palestinians, did not publicise the meeting on social media channels. Two weeks later, Nigeria’s anti-terrorism unit detained Ramzy Abu Ibrahim, a leader of the Palestinian community in Nigeria. It’s unclear what Ibrahim’s offence is, or if the Israeli minister’s visit is connected to his arrest. Nigeria’s foreign ministry spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment.

Haskel went on to South Sudan, a staunch Israel ally, promising aid to the fragile, young country currently caught in armed conflict between President Salva Kiir and sides loyal to First Vice President Riek Machar. Haskel, in a statement, deployed whataboutism, questioning why all eyes were on Gaza when countries like South Sudan also face humanitarian emergencies.

What the diplomat did not mention was that her visit came right as reports leaked of talks between Israeli and South Sudanese officials over controversial plans to forcibly transfer Palestinians from Gaza to the East African country. South Sudan has denied the talks, despite reporting from credible sources like Reuters and The Associated Press news agencies. The forcible transfer of Palestinians under Israel’s ethnic cleansing of Gaza could constitute a war crime.

There are similar talks of autonomous Somaliland hosting expelled Palestinians from Gaza in exchange for official recognition from the United States and Israel. Somalilanders say they want no part in it.

South Sudanese migrants celebrate their country’s independence in the Kasarani outskirts of the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, in July 2011 [Dai Kurokawa/EPA]

Highs and lows of Africa-Israel ties

Israel’s image in Africa, on average, is poor, experts note, although it’s not for a lack of trying on the Israeli government’s part. A handful of countries respond to its friendly overtures, but the overall majority have firmly kept their distance.

One reason is that Israel does not carry the weight of countries like China and Russia, which are looking to more deeply engage African leaders for their mineral resources and for their votes at the United Nations General Assembly. Israel, in particular, needs support from the global community: between 2015 and 2023, the UNGA passed 154 resolutions against the country, compared with 71 against all other countries combined.

The bigger reason for African countries’ distancing, though, researchers note, is Palestine.

South Africa vocally leads the pack of critics because of its own painful history of apartheid – which Israel was a strong supporter of – and Israel’s continuation of its own apartheid in the occupied Palestinian territories. Nelson Mandela’s infamous 1997 quote about how South Africa’s freedom is incomplete without Palestine’s is a blueprint for Pretoria’s keen protectiveness.

Relations with the continent were not always unfriendly. Israel ingratiated itself with most African nations in the 1950s and 1960s, after they gained independence from colonial powers in waves. At the time, Israeli leaders like David Ben-Gurion and Golda Meir were intent on pushing a narrative of Israel as an ally of “freed people”, historians note, partly to build influence at the UN.

Things turned ugly amid the October 1973 war, when those nations began to see Israel as a pariah encroaching not just on Palestine, but on Egypt, and in effect, on Africa. Uganda was the first to turn from Israel. Within the space of months, more than 20 African nations had abruptly cut ties. The collective effect of that cold disapproval dealt a grave diplomatic blow to Israel. It was unprecedented, and no region has ever again jointly moved so strongly against Israel.

Israel has since pushed for a return to the friendly days with some success. It reopened about 11 embassies across Africa, down from an initial 33 embassies and consulates before 1973. A few of the countries Israel is wooing, such as Nigeria, are members of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), which brings together 57 countries globally with significant Muslim populations, and has repeatedly called for ceasefires in Gaza.

Sudan and Morocco, also part of the OIC, agreed to normalise relations with Israel, following the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, under the US-brokered 2020 Abraham Accords.

In 2021, Israel attained observer status at the African Union (AU), after two failed attempts. South Africa and Algeria contest the move and say Moussa Faki, the then-chief of the AU Commission, the continental body’s executive branch, took the decision unilaterally. Palestine, on the other hand, became an observer in 2013, allowing it to participate in AU summits for longer.

From aid to arms

Israel has particularly set eyes on East Africa, especially Ethiopia, home to 160,000 Ethiopian Jews, some of whom Israel secretly airlifted in 1991 amid the Ethiopian civil war. In 2016, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu toured East Africa, visiting Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda and Ethiopia. The Israeli aid agency, Mashav, sent aid worth $45.5m to Ethiopia, Uganda, Tanzania, South Sudan and Kenya between 2009 and 2021, according to data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Aid often went towards agriculture, water and healthcare.

Israeli aid to African countries does not represent a major source of financing. Ethiopia, which receives most Israeli funding, received $1.3bn in US aid in 2024, for example. The World Bank, Germany and the European Union have become its biggest funders since the US cut back on foreign assistance.

Results, at least for UN resolutions, have been mixed, researchers note, with some East African nations accepting funds while not committing to consistent support of Israel, because of the general pro-Palestine policy of the AU.

Ethiopia, for one, according to a 2024 study by Ben-Gurion University researcher Yaron Salman, voted several times against Israel at the UN between 2012 and 2021, despite receiving more than half of its aid assistance to Africa around the same time.

Only South Sudan, the study noted, consistently stood by Israel. Both countries formed relations early in South Sudan’s history, as Israel backed independence fighters against Sudan, which South Sudan broke away from in 2011. This backing goes back decades with Israel’s Mossad agency first providing military support to rebel fighters in the 1960s. Haim Koren, a former Israeli ambassador to South Sudan, wrote in a 2019 analysis piece for the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies that Israel supported the secession forces to target Sudan – and generally, the Arab region. Reports as far back as 1994 noted Israeli arms being transferred to South Sudanese rebels, and in 2016, a UN panel of experts concluded that Israeli weapons were fuelling the civil war that broke out immediately after South Sudan’s independence.

South Sudan’s foreign ministry did not respond to requests for comment. In a statement in August, the ministry said claims of a forcible transfer of Palestinians to the country are “baseless and do not reflect the official position or policy” of South Sudan.

South Sudanese democracy activist Mahmoud Akot told Al Jazeera that history aside, any attempts to transfer Palestinians to the country would be met with fierce opposition because of the country’s own challenges.

“It’s hard for the government to acknowledge this publicly, let alone try to convince people to accept it,” Akot said. “I think the deal will not be fruitful.”

Other African nations – even South Africa – have not been immune to Israel’s arms appeal, despite support for Palestine. Cameroon, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Lesotho, Nigeria, Rwanda, the Seychelles, South Africa and Uganda all bought weapons from Israel between 2006 and 2010, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). Many continue to trade with Israel, buying everything from surveillance technologies and agro-tech equipment to consumer goods.

“By embedding itself in African security structures, Israel not only profits from instability but also gains partners less likely to challenge its brutal military occupation and its genocidal atrocities,” South African analyst Reneva Fourie told Al Jazeera. “These partnerships normalise Israel as a counterterrorism ally while deflecting attention from the fact that it is the perpetrator of state terror against Palestinians.”

South African diplomats
Director-General of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation of South Africa Zane Dangor and South African Ambassador to the Netherlands Vusimuzi Madonsela at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), at the start of South Africa’s case accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza, in May 2024 [Yves Herman/Reuters]

Is Israel winning the diplomacy game?

After it began its war on Gaza in October 2023, whatever fragile support Israel had on the continent appeared to largely collapse.

In a landmark case, South Africa accused Israel of genocide in Gaza at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in December 2023, and the AU, early on in the war, was unequivocal in its condemnation of Israel and its support for Palestinian statehood.

A few embarrassing scenarios illustrate Israel’s further fall from grace. In April this year, the Israeli ambassador to Ethiopia, Avraham Nigusse, was thrown out of an AU event commemorating the 30th anniversary of the genocide in Rwanda, which was being held at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa. Nigusse, of Ethiopian descent, fumed on social media, calling the move “outrageous”. The order reportedly came from the AU Commission chief, the no-nonsense Mahamoud Ali Youssouf of Djibouti. As foreign minister, Youssouf’s criticism of Western nations’ inability to stop Israel’s war on Gaza was blistering.

One unnamed diplomat, speaking to AP after the incident in Addis Ababa, said Nigusse was removed because Israel has now lost the observer status it struggled to get.

Sharon Bar-li, deputy director of Israel’s foreign ministry’s Africa department, triggered the AU to first suspend Israel in February 2023, when she attended a high-level meeting of African leaders that only the Israeli ambassador to the AU had been invited to, according to the bloc’s statement. Bar-li was unceremoniously expelled from the meeting, as seen in now viral clips. Then-AU Commission chief Faki confirmed a day after the incident that the bloc had already suspended Israel’s status, which South Africa and Algeria long advocated for. The bloc did not clarify when the suspension occurred, and has not publicly released more information on the issue.

Even as most of Africa stands resolute with Palestine, researcher Fourie noted that Israel is winning somewhat, at least with new friends like Zambia, and those Arab countries like Morocco which have normalised ties with the country. Zambia and South Sudan were part of six African countries that abstained at the first UN resolution vote condemning Israel’s assault in November 2023, a month after the war on Gaza began. Cameroon, Ethiopia, Malawi and Equatorial Guinea did the same. Other African countries voted in support.

Lusaka defaulted on foreign debt in 2020 and is desperate for investment. Israel is thus exploiting this context to insert itself deeper into the Southern Africa region, Fourie said. It’s unclear yet if Israel has delivered major aid funds to Zambia, but Lusaka received a heart-lung monitoring machine in August from Israeli humanitarian organisation Save a Child’s Heart. Zambian agriculture students also travel on sponsored training programmes to the Naqab Desert (Negev in Hebrew) region. Zambia’s foreign ministry did not respond to a request for comment.

Israel’s government press office and foreign affairs office did not respond to requests for comments for this story.

For Fourie, South Africa has a leading role in countering Israel’s influence on the continent. For that, she said, African countries need to deepen economic ties and protect themselves from foreign influence in the guise of aid. Fourie said these countries also must remind themselves that backing Palestine is the moral response to the decades of imperialism Africa suffered.

Still, Muhammad Desai, co-founder of the Johannesburg-based solidarity group, Africa4Palestine, insists that Israel’s “desperate” strategy is already being diluted by ordinary citizens.

“Solidarity movements across the continent in support of the Palestinian people have grown exponentially,” in recent months, Desai said.

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