The top United Nations court has dismissed a case brought by Sudan accusing the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of breaching the UN Genocide Convention by arming and funding the rebel paramilitary Rapid Support Forces in Sudan’s deadly civil war.
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) said on Monday that it “manifestly lacked” the authority to continue the proceedings and threw out the case.
While both Sudan and the UAE are signatories to the 1948 Genocide Convention, the UAE has a carveout to the part of the treaty that gives The Hague-based court jurisdiction.
In March, Sudan asked the ICJ for several orders, known as provisional measures, including telling the UAE to do all it can to prevent the killing and other crimes targeting the Masalit people in Darfur.
The UAE called the filing a publicity stunt and, in a hearing last month, argued the court had no jurisdiction.
The court on Monday agreed with the UAE’s arguments, rejected Sudan’s request for emergency measures and ordered the case be removed from its docket.
Due to the lack of jurisdiction, “the court is precluded by its statute from taking any position on the merits of the claims made by Sudan”, a summary of the ruling said.
The UAE hailed it as a legal victory.
“This decision is a clear and decisive affirmation of the fact that this case was utterly baseless. The court’s finding that it is without jurisdiction confirms that this case should never have been brought,” Reem Ketait, deputy assistant minister for political affairs at the UAE’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said in a statement.
“The facts speak for themselves: the UAE bears no responsibility for the conflict in Sudan. On the contrary, the atrocities committed by the warring parties are well-documented.”
In an earlier statement, Ketait insisted the UAE “is not involved in the war”.
By a 14-to-two vote, the court threw out Sudan’s request for emergency measures to prevent genocidal acts against the Masalit tribe, which has been the focus of intense ethnic-based attacks by the RSF.
Sudan descended into a deadly conflict in mid-April 2023 when long-simmering tensions between its military and rival paramilitary forces broke out in the capital, Khartoum, and spread to other regions.
Both the Rapid Support Forces and Sudan’s military have been accused of abuses as they battle each other.
The UAE, a federation of seven sheikhdoms on the Arabian Peninsula and an ally of the United States, has been repeatedly accused of arming the RSF, something it has strenuously denied despite evidence to the contrary.
On April 11, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) stormed the Zamzam displacement camp in Sudan’s North Darfur, burning huts and shops, executing medics, and firing at fleeing civilians.
According to monitors, at least 500 people – men, women, children and the elderly – were killed, and hundreds of thousands were forcibly displaced.
The attack provoked global outrage, prompting the RSF to double down on propaganda it had been spreading for months about Zamzam – that it was actually a military barracks.
“Zamzam was a military zone … so the RSF decided that we should evacuate civilians,” RSF adviser Ali Musabel told Al Jazeera, without providing evidence for his claim. “We didn’t want civilians to get caught in the crossfire.”
By labelling Zamzam a military zone, the RSF was trying to apply the same model Israel uses to justify bombing hospitals and schools in the Gaza Strip, said Rifaat Makawi, a Sudanese human rights lawyer.
“This is not a coincidence: it is a deliberate practice aimed at stripping civilians of their legal protection by labelling them as combatants or instruments of war,” he told Al Jazeera.
A template for genocide
Throughout Sudan’s civil war, the RSF has used human rights jargon and terms from international humanitarian law (IHL) – the legal framework designed to protect civilians in times of war – to carry out atrocities.
For years, Israel employed this practice in an attempt to ward off criticism for killing and oppressing Palestinians, according to legal scholars. Since launching its genocidal war on Gaza on October 7, 2023, it has doubled down.
It claims hospitals in Gaza are Hamas “control-and-command centres” – trying to justify attacking health facilities, which are protected under IHL. It also claims Hamas hides among civilians to use them as “human shields” to justify disproportionate and intentional attacks against those same civilians.
In addition, it has branded its mass expulsions of civilians as “humanitarian” evacuations, giving people hours to pack up their entire lives and get out of the way of Israeli bombs, if they can.
Israel stands accused of genocide by rights groups and United Nations experts for its war that has killed at least 52,567 Palestinians.
And the RSF is increasingly adopting Israel’s strategy, local monitors and legal experts say.
“The fact that the claims made by the RSF in Sudan resemble the claims Israel is making in Gaza … reveals the emergence of a template to commit mass extermination and even genocide,” said Luigi Daniele, a senior lecturer on IHL at Nottingham Law School.
A satellite image shows burning buildings in the Zamzam camp for displaced people in Sudan’s North Darfur after it was taken over by the RSF, April 16, 2025 [Maxar Technologies via Reuters]
The UN accuses both sides in Sudan’s war of committing grave crimes, such as killing and torturing prisoners of war, since a power struggle between the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) erupted into an all-out civil war in April 2023.
Human rights groups accuse the RSF of perpetrating additional atrocities, including carrying out a possible genocide against the “non-Arab” communities in Darfur.
From Janjaweed to human rights language
The RSF emerged from the nomadic “Arab” militias in Darfur, which became known as the Janjaweed (devils on horseback in Sudanese Arabic) for the countless atrocities they committed.
The army used the Janjaweed to crush a rebellion by sedentary farming “non-Arab” communities that started in 2003. The sedentary communities were protesting against their political and economic marginalisation in Sudan.
SAF and RSF were closely aligned until at least 2021, when they came together to overthrow the civilian administration with which they had been sharing power after a popular uprising toppled autocratic President Omar al-Bashir in 2019.
Shortly after the coup, the RSF signed a memorandum of understanding with the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC) to receive human rights training.
Now, the RSF and its political allies are using human rights terminology to try to whitewash their atrocities.
On March 8, an RSF-backed political alliance, Tasis (Foundation), tweeted: “We stand in solidarity with Sudanese women in their recent ordeal, where they have faced particularly tragic conditions and been subjected to horrific violations, as a result of the unjust war.”
Tasis made no mention of the reports published by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, which accuse the RSF of widespread sexual violence and rape throughout the war.
During the raid on Zamzam, the RSF reportedly abducted 25 women and girls and raped others, according to the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa, a local monitor documenting sexual violence in the region.
“What I see today in Darfur, and specifically in Zamzam, is not merely a violation of the IHL, but evidence of its distortion and transformation into a cover under which the gravest crimes are committed,” human rights lawyer Makawi told Al Jazeera.
Finishing the genocide?
The Zamzam camp sprang up in 2003, 15km (9.3 miles) from North Darfur’s capital, el-Fasher, to shelter “non-Arab” Zaghawa and Fur communities, which fled Popular Defence Forces’ violence during the first Darfur war.
Both communities suffered genocidal levels of violence and were expelled from their lands by the state-backed Janjaweed. Zamzam soon became a symbol of the atrocities they endured.
A makeshift bunker dug by civilians in el-Fasher as a hideout from clashes between the RSF and the Sudanese army [File: Muammar Ibrahim/AFP]
Some 350,000 people settled in the camp, swelling to more than half a million as the RSF and the army went to war and the paramilitary group captured South, East, West and Central Darfur states in late 2023.
In April 2024, the RSF besieged el-Fasher and surrounding towns after the Joint Forces – a coalition of “non-Arab” armed groups formed to fight the government in the past – shed their neutrality and sided with the army.
Given the RSF’s track record of enmity towards “non-Arab” ethnic groups, the Joint Forces feared widespread ethnic killings if the RSF captured the entire state.
The RSF blocked aid from anyone not aligned with them, leading to famine in Zamzam. As civilians withered away from hunger, the RSF began claiming that Zamzam was a “military base”, revealing its intention to attack.
“This claim that there was a military base in Zamzam was never correct … we had some people who acted as a police force, but there were no military leaders in the camp,” said Mosab, a middle-aged man who survived the killing in Zamzam and now languishes in the nearby town of Tawila.
Musabel, the RSF adviser, told Al Jazeera that the high civilian death toll was due to the Joint Forces using “human shields”, without providing evidence.
Ethnic cleansing
The RSF has also mimicked the Israeli tactic of carrying out mass expulsions under a humanitarian guise.
Since October 7, 2023, Israel has pushed 2.3 million Palestinians into smaller and smaller pockets of land, which it describes as “safe zones” in Gaza.
Israel bombs or invades those areas, claiming they “became military targets” due to the ostensible presence of someone from Hamas there.
“What Israel has done in Gaza, in reality, has been issuing mass expulsion orders under threats of extermination, which is a declaration of intent to commit international crimes,” Nottingham Law School’s Daniele said.
On April 11, Tasis posted on Facebook, calling for civilians to flee Zamzam through what it called “humanitarian corridors” leading to nearby towns such as Tawila and Korma.
Screengrab of the Tasis Facebook post claiming it was helping safe humanitarian evacuations [Screengrab/Facebook]
Yet on April 27, an RSF commander was seen announcing the detention of a group of unarmed men who fled Zamzam through a supposed humanitarian corridor to Tawila, in a video verified by Al Jazeera’s authentication unit, Sanad.
He said the men had sided against their Darfuri brethren and with the traditional elite, represented in the “Arab” Jalaba tribes who live in central and northern Sudan and comprise much of Sudan’s military and political elite. He added that they might kill the detained men to serve as an example to others.
The RSF has framed its war against the army as a fight on behalf of peripheral tribes against the central elite, while at the same time committing egregious abuses against the most marginalised tribes in Darfur.
The detainees were relief workers, according to local monitors, who fear they were killed. Al Jazeera was unable to confirm their fate.
Survivors told Al Jazeera that the RSF had carried out ethnic cleansing, possibly amounting to several war crimes.
“Some of us were executed [by the RSF] along [the road out of Zamzam] and others were violently displaced,” said Mohamed Idriss*, who walked for 13 hours before arriving in el-Fasher.
On April 11, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) stormed the Zamzam displacement camp in Sudan’s North Darfur, burning huts and shops, executing medics, and firing at fleeing civilians.
According to monitors, at least 500 people – men, women, children and the elderly – were killed, and hundreds of thousands were forcibly displaced.
The attack provoked global outrage, prompting the RSF to double down on propaganda it had been spreading for months about Zamzam – that it was actually a military barracks.
“Zamzam was a military zone … so the RSF decided that we should evacuate civilians,” RSF adviser Ali Musabel told Al Jazeera, without providing evidence for his claim. “We didn’t want civilians to get caught in the crossfire.”
By labelling Zamzam a military zone, the RSF was trying to apply the same model Israel uses to justify bombing hospitals and schools in the Gaza Strip, said Rifaat Makawi, a Sudanese human rights lawyer.
“This is not a coincidence: it is a deliberate practice aimed at stripping civilians of their legal protection by labelling them as combatants or instruments of war,” he told Al Jazeera.
A template for genocide
Throughout Sudan’s civil war, the RSF has used human rights jargon and terms from international humanitarian law (IHL) – the legal framework designed to protect civilians in times of war – to carry out atrocities.
For years, Israel employed this practice in an attempt to ward off criticism for killing and oppressing Palestinians, according to legal scholars. Since launching its genocidal war on Gaza on October 7, 2023, it has doubled down.
It claims hospitals in Gaza are Hamas “control-and-command centres” – trying to justify attacking health facilities, which are protected under IHL. It also claims Hamas hides among civilians to use them as “human shields” to justify disproportionate and intentional attacks against those same civilians.
In addition, it has branded its mass expulsions of civilians as “humanitarian” evacuations, giving people hours to pack up their entire lives and get out of the way of Israeli bombs, if they can.
Israel stands accused of genocide by rights groups and United Nations experts for its war that has killed at least 52,567 Palestinians.
And the RSF is increasingly adopting Israel’s strategy, local monitors and legal experts say.
“The fact that the claims made by the RSF in Sudan resemble the claims Israel is making in Gaza … reveals the emergence of a template to commit mass extermination and even genocide,” said Luigi Daniele, a senior lecturer on IHL at Nottingham Law School.
A satellite image shows burning buildings in the Zamzam camp for displaced people in Sudan’s North Darfur after it was taken over by the RSF, April 16, 2025 [Maxar Technologies via Reuters]
The UN accuses both sides in Sudan’s war of committing grave crimes, such as killing and torturing prisoners of war, since a power struggle between the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) erupted into an all-out civil war in April 2023.
Human rights groups accuse the RSF of perpetrating additional atrocities, including carrying out a possible genocide against the “non-Arab” communities in Darfur.
From Janjaweed to human rights language
The RSF emerged from the nomadic “Arab” militias in Darfur, which became known as the Janjaweed (devils on horseback in Sudanese Arabic) for the countless atrocities they committed.
The army used the Janjaweed to crush a rebellion by sedentary farming “non-Arab” communities that started in 2003. The sedentary communities were protesting against their political and economic marginalisation in Sudan.
SAF and RSF were closely aligned until at least 2021, when they came together to overthrow the civilian administration with which they had been sharing power after a popular uprising toppled autocratic President Omar al-Bashir in 2019.
Shortly after the coup, the RSF signed a memorandum of understanding with the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC) to receive human rights training.
Now, the RSF and its political allies are using human rights terminology to try to whitewash their atrocities.
On March 8, an RSF-backed political alliance, Tasis (Foundation), tweeted: “We stand in solidarity with Sudanese women in their recent ordeal, where they have faced particularly tragic conditions and been subjected to horrific violations, as a result of the unjust war.”
Tasis made no mention of the reports published by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, which accuse the RSF of widespread sexual violence and rape throughout the war.
During the raid on Zamzam, the RSF reportedly abducted 25 women and girls and raped others, according to the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa, a local monitor documenting sexual violence in the region.
“What I see today in Darfur, and specifically in Zamzam, is not merely a violation of the IHL, but evidence of its distortion and transformation into a cover under which the gravest crimes are committed,” human rights lawyer Makawi told Al Jazeera.
Finishing the genocide?
The Zamzam camp sprang up in 2003, 15km (9.3 miles) from North Darfur’s capital, el-Fasher, to shelter “non-Arab” Zaghawa and Fur communities, which fled Popular Defence Forces’ violence during the first Darfur war.
Both communities suffered genocidal levels of violence and were expelled from their lands by the state-backed Janjaweed. Zamzam soon became a symbol of the atrocities they endured.
A makeshift bunker dug by civilians in el-Fasher as a hideout from clashes between the RSF and the Sudanese army [File: Muammar Ibrahim/AFP]
Some 350,000 people settled in the camp, swelling to more than half a million as the RSF and the army went to war and the paramilitary group captured South, East, West and Central Darfur states in late 2023.
In April 2024, the RSF besieged el-Fasher and surrounding towns after the Joint Forces – a coalition of “non-Arab” armed groups formed to fight the government in the past – shed their neutrality and sided with the army.
Given the RSF’s track record of enmity towards “non-Arab” ethnic groups, the Joint Forces feared widespread ethnic killings if the RSF captured the entire state.
The RSF blocked aid from anyone not aligned with them, leading to famine in Zamzam. As civilians withered away from hunger, the RSF began claiming that Zamzam was a “military base”, revealing its intention to attack.
“This claim that there was a military base in Zamzam was never correct … we had some people who acted as a police force, but there were no military leaders in the camp,” said Mosab, a middle-aged man who survived the killing in Zamzam and now languishes in the nearby town of Tawila.
Musabel, the RSF adviser, told Al Jazeera that the high civilian death toll was due to the Joint Forces using “human shields”, without providing evidence.
Ethnic cleansing
The RSF has also mimicked the Israeli tactic of carrying out mass expulsions under a humanitarian guise.
Since October 7, 2023, Israel has pushed 2.3 million Palestinians into smaller and smaller pockets of land, which it describes as “safe zones” in Gaza.
Israel bombs or invades those areas, claiming they “became military targets” due to the ostensible presence of someone from Hamas there.
“What Israel has done in Gaza, in reality, has been issuing mass expulsion orders under threats of extermination, which is a declaration of intent to commit international crimes,” Nottingham Law School’s Daniele said.
On April 11, Tasis posted on Facebook, calling for civilians to flee Zamzam through what it called “humanitarian corridors” leading to nearby towns such as Tawila and Korma.
Screengrab of the Tasis Facebook post claiming it was helping safe humanitarian evacuations [Screengrab/Facebook]
Yet on April 27, an RSF commander was seen announcing the detention of a group of unarmed men who fled Zamzam through a supposed humanitarian corridor to Tawila, in a video verified by Al Jazeera’s authentication unit, Sanad.
He said the men had sided against their Darfuri brethren and with the traditional elite, represented in the “Arab” Jalaba tribes who live in central and northern Sudan and comprise much of Sudan’s military and political elite. He added that they might kill the detained men to serve as an example to others.
The RSF has framed its war against the army as a fight on behalf of peripheral tribes against the central elite, while at the same time committing egregious abuses against the most marginalised tribes in Darfur.
The detainees were relief workers, according to local monitors, who fear they were killed. Al Jazeera was unable to confirm their fate.
Survivors told Al Jazeera that the RSF had carried out ethnic cleansing, possibly amounting to several war crimes.
“Some of us were executed [by the RSF] along [the road out of Zamzam] and others were violently displaced,” said Mohamed Idriss*, who walked for 13 hours before arriving in el-Fasher.
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) has launched a legal challenge against Germany’s domestic intelligence agency for designating the far-right party an “extremist” organisation.
A spokesperson for the administrative court in Cologne confirmed on Monday that the AfD had submitted both a lawsuit and an emergency petition in response to the decision by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV).
Germany, meanwhile, hit back at President Donald Trump’s administration in the United States over its criticism of the classification, suggesting officials in Washington should study history.
The Cologne court will begin reviewing the case once the BfV confirms that it has been notified of the filings.
The AfD had earlier denounced the designation as a politically driven attempt to marginalise the party.
“With our lawsuit, we are sending a clear signal against the abuse of state power to combat and exclude the opposition,” party co-leaders Tino Chrupalla and Alice Weidel said on Monday, alleging that the classification was an effort to “distort democratic competition and delegitimise millions of votes”.
Pivotal moment
The classification, announced on Friday, gives Germany’s intelligence agency the power to surveil the AfD, the largest opposition party in parliament.
These powers include deploying informants and intercepting internal party communications.
A 1,100-page report compiled by the agency – that will not be made public – concluded that the AfD is a racist and anti-Muslim organisation.
The move came at a pivotal moment in German politics as the mainstream grapples with the continued rise of the far right.
Centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) leader Friedrich Merz is expected to be sworn in as chancellor on Tuesday after his party struck a coalition deal with the centre-left Social Democrats (SPD).
The agreement was driven by a longstanding understanding among mainstream parties to sideline far-right political forces. The AfD came second to the CDU in February’s snap elections. The SPD finished third.
SPD leader Lars Klingbeil said last week that the coalition would review the situation to decide whether to revive efforts to ban the AfD.
History lessons
The new government will also have to deal with criticism from abroad over Germany’s approach to the AfD, in particular from the governments of the US and Russia, both of which are swift to condemn any “foreign interference” in their own affairs.
US Vice President JD Vance, who met with Weidel after the elections in February, insisted on Friday that the AfD was “by far the most representative” party in the formerly communist eastern Germany, adding: “Now the bureaucrats try to destroy it.”
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio branded the designation of the party “tyranny in disguise”.
In response, Germany’s Federal Foreign Office posted on Monday, “This is democracy,” and said the decision was “the result of a thorough & independent investigation to protect our Constitution & the rule of law”.
The ministry said independent courts will have the final say, adding: “We have learnt from our history that rightwing extremism needs to be stopped.”
Who: Barcelona vs. Inter Milan What: UEFA Champions League semifinal, second leg Where: San Siro stadium, Milan, Italy When: Tuesday at 9pm (19:00 GMT)
Follow Al Jazeera Sport’s live text and photo commentary stream.
In a tantalizing second and decisive leg of their semifinal match on Tuesday night, five-time champions Barcelona travel to northern Italy to face three-time champion Inter Milan.
The Catalan Giants are on track to win a rare treble, including LaLiga, Copa del Rey, and Champions League titles, but they were only able to draw against Inter in the opening game of their Champions League semifinal, leaving them with nothing to do on the road in Milan.
Inter, who are attempting to reach the second Champions League title in three seasons, will enjoy their home-based rivals’ chances of defeating the flamboyant LaLiga leaders. However, the Nerazzurri’s 1-0 home victory over 15th-placed Verona on Saturday night marked their departure from their best performance.
Before the semifinal match between two of Europe’s top football superclubs, everything is revealed:
What took place in the first leg of the semifinal?
On April 30 at home against Inter Milan, Barcelona came away with a compelling 3-3 draw.
With superb strikes from Marcus Thuram and Denzel Dumfries, the Italian side jumped out to a two-goal lead before Lamine Yamal, the unstoppable, resurrected the situation with a sublime solo effort.
Ferran Torres leveled for the five-time champions, and a Yann Sommer own goal put the tie in the second leg as Inter soared past Dumfries once more.
In the return leg of Inter Milan’s UEFA Champions League semifinal on May 6, 2025, the star French forward #9 Marcus Thuram will be counted on to score more goals.
Why is Yamal the subject of such discussion?
At age 17, playing his 100th game as he did against Inter on Wednesday, Yamal broke the record set by Kylian Mbappe, who was 18 at the time of his tying of the feat in 2017.
Talents like those found in the Barcelona teenager only appear once every 50 years, according to Inter Manager Simone Inzaghi.
After Yamal helped Barcelona rally in the action-packed first leg, the Inter coach said, “He’s the kind of talent that is born every 50 years, I have never seen him live.
After the game, Barcelona coach Hansi Flick described his attacking winger as “a genius.”
Yamal himself was forced to ignore comparisons to the legendary Lionel Messi, who also played the same position at Barcelona, before the first leg.
Yamal told reporters, “I don’t compare myself to him because I don’t compare myself to anyone, and much less Messi.”
“So I don’t believe the comparison makes sense,” he added. I’m going to be myself and enjoy myself.
Yamal claimed that he thought the Argentinian forward was the greatest player ever.
He continued, “I admire him obviously as the best player in history, but I don’t compare myself to him.”
[Fran Santiago/Getty Images] Lamine Yamal of FC Barcelona celebrates winning the Copa del Rey final against Real Madrid at the Estadio de La Cartuja on April 26, 2025, in Seville, Spain.
Barcelona team news
Jules Kounde, who started for Barcelona in the Champions League semifinals against Inter, will miss Thursday’s game due to a hamstring injury.
Unexpectedly, Flick might be able to bring in Robert Lewandowski, who is recovering from a leg injury for three weeks ahead of schedule. After being sidelined for about two weeks, Lewandowski made an addition to the team on Monday.
Despite Marc-Andre ter Steg’s return to the first team in a LaLiga game over the weekend following a lengthy injury layoff, goalkeeper Wojciech Szczesny is expected to start against Inter.
Inter Milan team news
Lautaro Martinez’ availability, who is the star player from Argentina, is highly doubtful going into their second leg showdown at the San Siro after the Argentina star suffered a leg injury against Barcelona last Wednesday. Martinez will be replaced in the starting lineup by Inzaghi with Marko Arnautovic or Mehdi Taremi on standby.  ,
However, according to Italian media reports from Monday, Martinez’s position at Inter is gaining more confidence. A photo of Luautaro performing exercises in the gym was posted by himself, and it features emojis of an e-cigarette and a battery.
Important defender Benjamin Pavard, who missed the first leg of the semifinal against Barca, is set to start for Inter in a different positive way, according to reports from the Italian media outlet Gazzetta. it.
Hakan Calhanoglu, a star midfielder, will miss Inter’s 1-0 victory over Verona with a suspension.
Will he play, or won’t he? Lautaro Martinez, Inter Milan’s leading goal scorer and captain, is battling with injury to make it to the second leg of the UEFA Champions League semifinal against Barcelona on Tuesday.
Possible starting lineups:
Possible Barcelona XI: Szczesny, Eric, Araujo, Cubarsi, Inigo, de Jong, Pedri, Yamal, Olmo, Raphinha, Ferran.
Possible Inter Milan XI: Sommer, Acerbi, Pavard, Bastoni, Dumfries, Barella, Calhanoglu, Mkhitaryan, Dimarco, Arnautovic, Thuram
Head-to-head:
The teams have previously engaged in 13 games:
Barcelona defeats: 6
Inter Milan wins by 2
Draws: 5
What the managers said:
Inter can’t just defend, says Barcelona manager Hansi Flick. They must also try to score. The four best teams in Europe will compete in the UEFA Champions League semifinals. We possess the ability to play with style and confidence. Next week’s 90 minutes should be enough time to make the final. We will fight for that, and that is our goal.
We watched a fantastic match [in the first leg], and we all knew the challenge of the semifinals. Even so, we might have triumphed. The impact made by our subs a lot to me. Our supporters are aware that Tuesday will be the “final” of our efforts in trying times, and we are aware of this.
[Carl Recine/Getty Images] Simone Inzaghi yells from the touch line during the UEFA Champions League semifinal first leg encounter between Barcelona and Inter at the Olympic Stadium on April 30, 2025.
When did Inter Milan and Barcelona last claim a victory in the UEFA Champions League?
Inter Milan last won in 2010 while Barcelona most recently won in 2015, respectively.
The UEFA Champions League final will take place in 2025, when and where?
The Champions League final will take place on May 31 in Germany for the winner of this semifinal.
The 75, 000-capacity Allianz Arena in Munich will host the biggest annual showpiece of European football.
The 2024-2025 UEFA Champions League final will be held at Germany’s Allianz Arena, one of the best football stadiums in the world.
Togo protesters are opposing constitutional amendments that could obliterate Faure Gnassingbe’s hold in power for an indefinite period. He has been sworn in as the “President of the Council of Ministers,” a newly created position with no term limits.
