Sudan: A truce of separation

Since the outbreak of war in Sudan, talk of “humanitarian ceasefires” has become a recurring political refrain, invoked whenever the humanitarian catastrophe reaches its peak. However, the ceasefire being proposed today comes in a different and dangerous context. It follows the committing of genocide and ethnic cleansing by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia in the city of el-Fasher in Darfur – one of the most horrific humanitarian crimes in Sudan’s modern history, and indeed in the history of humanity.

El-Fasher, once a symbol of diversity and coexistence, has been turned into a devastated city emptied of its population. In the aftermath of this major crime, the international community has once again returned to proposing a “humanitarian ceasefire” as an option. This calls for a careful political reading that does not stop at moral slogans, but instead unpacks the motives and potential consequences – especially with regard to Sudan’s geographic, social, and political unity.

A path to peace or a gateway to disintegration?

In popular culture, there is a saying: “If you see a poor man eating chicken, then either the poor man is sick or the chicken is sick.” This proverb captures the essence of the legitimate political suspicion regarding the timing of this ceasefire.

Truces for humanitarian purposes, in principle, are meant to alleviate civilian suffering and may pave the way towards ending conflicts. In the case of Sudan, however, what raises alarm is that this ceasefire was proposed after the catastrophe occurred, not before it – after the RSF categorically rejected any humanitarian commitments, including the protection of hospitals and the securing of safe corridors for civilians to flee.

Humanitarian organisations have been operating in most regions of Sudan, including Darfur, despite security complexities and in the absence of a legal, signed ceasefire. This makes the question unavoidable: Why push for a ceasefire now? And in whose interest is this ceasefire being proposed at this particular moment?

This contradiction opens the door to suspicion that the objective goes beyond humanitarian concerns, extending instead to reshaping the political and geographic reality of the country.

Ceasefires in historical experience

Modern history is full of examples where humanitarian ceasefires transformed from de-escalation tools to preludes to fragmentation and secession. In Western Sahara, Libya, Somalia, Yemen, and South Sudan, ceasefires were not always bridges to peace; more often, they were transitional stages towards the division of states and the erosion of sovereignty.

In the Sudanese context, specifically, Operation Lifeline Sudan launched by the UN in 1989 stands as a stark example of how humanitarian action was employed as a political entry point, eventually culminating in the secession of South Sudan through a referendum that followed a long process of normalising division.

The current situation, however, is far more dangerous and complex. It does not involve a government negotiating with a political movement holding national demands, but rather an unprecedented scenario in which two parties both claim to represent “the government” within a single state: The legitimate government of Sudan, on the one hand, and the RSF, seeking to establish a parallel entity, on the other.

The trap of disguised political recognition

Negotiation between “two governments” within one state is not only unprecedented in Sudan; it represents a grave political trap aimed at extracting recognition of a de facto force under a ceasefire umbrella.

The mere act of joint signing grants the rebel party parity and legitimacy, fundamentally contradicting the immense sacrifices made by the Sudanese people in defence of the state’s unity and sovereignty.

This path constitutes a direct violation of the core principles for which martyrs fell and women were widowed:

First, the principle of unity: The RSF has violated it by importing foreign elements and mercenaries, exploiting external support to impose forced demographic changes, and attempting to reshape Sudan according to agendas that bear no relation to the national will.

Second, the principle of unified government and constitutional legitimacy: The pursuit of a “parallel government” directly undermines this principle. It deals a blow to the foundations upon which the state has stood since independence, and opens the door to political chaos and institutional fragmentation.

Third, the unity of the military institution: The RSF violates it by receiving weapons and combat equipment from foreign states, and relying on looting and self-financing, completely contradicting any talk of security reform or the building of a unified national army. In practice, it lays the groundwork for multiple armies within a single state.

The ambiguity of negotiations and the absence of transparency

Concern deepens with the total lack of transparency surrounding the truce process. Why are negotiations conducted behind closed doors? Why are the Sudanese people excluded from knowing what is being agreed on in their name? How can foreign states negotiate on behalf of a people bleeding under war and displacement? Who has more right to oversee peace efforts than the people themselves? Are there priorities greater than commanding an ongoing war in which everyone is involved?

More alarming still is that the party “holding the pen” in the political process is the same party “holding the gun”, practising killing and ethnic cleansing – an ethical and political paradox that cannot be accepted.

A comprehensive reading of events suggests that this ceasefire is more likely to be an entry point for dismantling the Sudanese state than a bridge to saving it. It may lead to the entrenchment of division: Zones of influence, multiple armies, different currencies, parallel central banks, competing foreign ministries, and conflicting passports – a state without a state, and sovereignty without sovereignty.

This is a contagious disease that, sooner or later, will infect everyone along the coast, the river’s mouth and its source alike.

Between humanitarian duty and national vigilance

No one disputes the priority of improving humanitarian conditions and protecting civilians. Yet the ceasefire being pushed today may carry temporary stability at the cost of a devastating strategic price: The erosion of Sudan’s unity.

National duty demands the highest levels of vigilance and caution, lest the ceasefire turn into a political trap, pushing the project of state disintegration. While we should fully acknowledge that the crisis has deep, accumulated historical roots, we should remember that history does not forgive those who squander their homeland, nor does it absolve those who trade national sovereignty for foreign dictates.

Hope remains pinned on the awareness of the Sudanese people and their ability to unite in confronting this decisive moment, in defence of one homeland, one army, and one state – one that rejects partition and guardianship, accepting only the will of its people through a system and framework that do not involve seizure by force or the imposition of reality at gunpoint.

Photos: Syrian army enters Deir Hafer after SDF withdrawal

The Syrian military says it is advancing to secure territories formerly controlled by the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in Aleppo governorate.

On Saturday, government troops entered Deir Hafer, approximately 50km (30 miles) east of Aleppo city, following the SDF’s announcement of a planned withdrawal from their strongholds beginning early in the morning.

SDF commander Mazloum Abdi (also known as Mazloum Kobani) announced via X on Friday that the group would pull back from contact lines east of Aleppo at 7am local time (04:00 GMT) on Saturday and relocate its forces to areas east of the Euphrates River, responding to requests from allied nations and mediators.

Syria’s Ministry of Defence expressed support for the SDF’s withdrawal decision, stating it would monitor the complete implementation, including the removal of fighters and equipment, before deploying Syrian military forces to assert state authority in the vacated regions.

Previously, Syrian military officials reported they had initiated shelling operations against bases belonging to a militia affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and against former regime elements allied with the SDF in Deir Hafer.

The United States, which aims to establish lasting peace in Syria to enhance broader Middle East stability and prevent ISIL (ISIS) resurgence, has encouraged both parties to avoid confrontation and resume negotiations, according to Syrian officials and diplomatic sources.

Both sides participated in extensive talks throughout last year, working towards integrating Kurdish-administered military and civilian institutions into Syrian state structures by the end of 2025, with both repeatedly emphasising their preference for diplomatic solutions.

Syria decree grants Kurds new rights, formally recognising Kurdish language

Syria’s President Ahmed al-Sharaa has issued a decree formally recognising Kurdish as a “national language” and restoring citizenship to all Kurdish Syrians.

Al-Sharaa’s decree on Friday came after fierce clashes that broke out last week in the northern city of Aleppo, leaving at least 23 people dead, according to Syria’s health ministry, and forcing tens of thousands of people to flee the two Kurdish-run pockets of the city.

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The clashes ended after Kurdish fighters withdrew and the Syrian army assumed full control over the city of Deir Hafer in the governorate of Aleppo.

The violence in Aleppo has deepened one of the main faultlines in Syria, where al-Sharaa promised to unify the country under one leadership after 14 years of war against former President Bashar al-Assad, who was overthrown in December 2024.

The decree for the first time grants Kurdish Syrians rights, including recognition of Kurdish identity as part of Syria’s national fabric. It designates Kurdish as a national language alongside Arabic and allows schools to teach it.

It also abolishes measures dating to a 1962 census in Hasakah province that stripped many Kurds of Syrian nationality, granting citizenship to all affected residents, including those previously registered as stateless.

The decree declares Newroz, the spring and new year festival, a paid national holiday. It bans ethnic or linguistic discrimination, requires state institutions to adopt inclusive national messaging and sets penalties for incitement to ethnic strife.

Reacting to the decree, the Kurdish administration in Syria’s north and northeast said the decree was “a first step, however it does not satisfy the aspirations and hopes of the Syrian people”.

It added that “rights are not protected by temporary decrees, but… through permanent constitutions that express the will of the people and all components” of a society.

Army takes control of Deir Hafer

Meanwhile, the Syrian army on Saturday took control of the town of Deir Hafer outside Aleppo city, a day after Kurdish forces agreed to withdraw from the area following recent clashes.

In a statement to state television, the army said it had established “full military control” of Deir Hafer and other areas previously held by the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in the governorate of Aleppo.

The forces entered Deir Hafer after the SDF announced it would start withdrawing from their strongholds in the city.

Al Jazeera’s Zein Basravi, reporting on Saturday from Zaalanah, just east of Aleppo on the way to Deir Hafer, said the Syrian forces, who were building up around Deir Hafer for days, have started entering the town.

“And what we are likely to see in the next hours and days are the clearing operations,” he said.

“In many ways, this is really a best-case scenario – a short, sharp military operation overnight and then in daylight hours securing that agreement for a withdrawal from the SDF and then now moving in to try to clear the area,” Basravi added.

SDF leader Mazloum Abdi (also known as Mazloum Kobani) announced on X on Friday that “based on calls from friendly countries and mediators … we have decided to withdraw our forces tomorrow morning at 7am (04:00 GMT)” east of Aleppo “towards redeployment in areas east of the Euphrates”.

Power struggle

Syria’s government is seeking to extend its authority across the country following the removal of al-Assad.

The SDF controls swaths of Syria’s oil-rich north and northeast, much of which it captured during the country’s civil war and the fight against the ISIL (ISIS) group over the past decade – a war the SDF fought as the main regional ally of the United States.

The Syrian government and the SDF engaged in months of talks last year to integrate the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG), which leads it, and its political wing, the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD), into Syrian state institutions by the end of 2025, but there has been little progress, which eventually led to the fighting in Aleppo.

Millions of Kurds live across Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkiye, with about one to 1.5 million estimated to live in northeastern Syria, controlled by the SDF.

US judge orders curbs on ICE agents’ actions against Minnesota protesters

A ‌federal judge in Minnesota has ordered the United States’ immigration agents ‍deployed ‍to the state to curb some of the tactics they have used against observers and protesters of their enforcement actions.

Tensions over the deployment have mounted in Minnesota since an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent fatally shot a 37-year-old mother of three, Renee Nicole Good, behind the wheel of her car earlier this month.

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Good was taking part in one of numerous neighborhood patrols organised by local activists to track and monitor ICE activities.

On Friday, US District Judge Kate Menendez’s court injunction barred federal ​agents from retaliating against individuals engaged in peaceful, unobstructive protest ‍activity.

Officers were explicitly prohibited from arresting or detaining people protesting peacefully or engaged in orderly observations, if there was no reasonable suspicion that they had committed a crime ‍or were ⁠interfering with law enforcement.

The ruling also bans federal agents from using pepper spray, tear gas or other crowd-control munitions against peaceful demonstrators or bystanders observing and recording the immigration enforcement operations.

The US ‌Department of Homeland Security (DHS) was given 72 hours to bring its operation in Minneapolis into compliance.

The court ruling hands a victory to activists in Minneapolis, the state’s most populous ⁠city, two weeks after the Trump administration announced the deployment of 2,000 immigration agents to ​the area.

Their numbers have since grown to nearly 3,000, dwarfing the ranks of the local police. The DHS calls it the largest operation of its kind in the country’s history.

Crowds of protesters across Minneapolis have clashed with the immigration officers, opposing their efforts to target undocumented migrants, with some officers responding with violence.

Amid the escalating dispute between Trump and local state and city leaders, the president threatened on Thursday to invoke the Insurrection Act, allowing him to deploy the military to police the protests.

“If I needed it, I would use it. I don’t think there is any reason right now to use it,” Trump told reporters at the White House when asked about the move.