‘Possible rise in maternal deaths’: How USAID cuts strand Malawi’s mothers

Mulanje and Lilongwe, Malawi — Ireen Makata sits in her white nursing uniform on a weathered bench at a health post in Malawi’s southern Mulanje district.

The facility is one of 13 in the district, located within a seminomadic, predominantly agricultural community 65km (40 miles) east of Blantyre, Malawi’s commercial capital, near the Mulanje mountain range.

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The beige-painted facility stands out from the dozens of huts around it made of red bricks, with straw roofs. To the right of the main entrance is a supply room with diminishing medical supplies. On the other side is an ambulance that Makata says is now rarely used.

Health posts like this were set up to serve remote communities and alleviate pressure on district hospitals. They were crucial in providing communities with basic healthcare, antenatal care, family planning and vaccines.

The clinic in Mulanje used to see dozens of women a day, providing maternal care, including helping women give birth, dispensing medicines and, when needed, transport to the hospital. But now, since funds were cut, it is open only around once every two weeks, stretching its supplies for as long as it can and unable to regularly transport visiting healthcare workers.

Health posts like this are facing closure – 20 have already shuttered in the country – due to the Trump administration cutting United States Agency for International Development (USAID) funding in February. This is forcing the country’s health system to withdraw critical services, placing further stress on hospitals, and leaving thousands of women and children without needed care in a region burdened by poverty and long distances to hospitals.

Makata, a nursing officer specialising in maternal and newborn care, usually based at the district hospital, says she used to visit the post two or three times a week. Now she rarely comes and no longer sees most of the patients she used to care for.

“Most of the women who relied on this post now find the distance to access a district hospital too far,” she tells Al Jazeera.

It would take a large chunk of a day, travelling on the bumpy dirt roads of Mulanje district, to reach one. That long visit “takes them away from their day-to-day activities, which bring income or food to their table,” she explains.

Many cannot afford to do that and now go without care.

“They are failing to get the ideal treatment for antenatal care services, especially during the first trimester of pregnancy,” Makata says.

Ireen Makata, a nursing officer and safe motherhood coordinator at Musa Community Health Post in Mulanje [Imran-Ullah Khan/Al Jazeera]

‘Baby and mother in jeopardy’

USAID funding was all-encompassing. It funded remote medical outposts, covering everything from the training of new staff and the provision of drugs and supplies for pregnant women to petrol for ambulances.

The US government provided close to 32 percent of Malawi’s total health budget before the cuts.

USAID funded the health posts through a programme called MOMENTUM in 14 of Malawi’s 28 districts, starting in 2022, helping strengthen existing clinics and set up new ones. As of 2024, there were 249 posts. The programme also provided medical outreach to communities and equipment. About $80m was being invested in the programme by Washington.

Early this year, US President Donald Trump issued stop-work orders on USAID-funded programmes as part of an executive order to pause and re-evaluate foreign aid.

With that move, MOMENTUM was shelved, and the two dozen mobile posts were shuttered as a result. Medical trainees were left in limbo, and life-saving equipment was sold off in fire sales by Washington.

The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) still provides technical and financial support to several remote districts for maternal and newborn health, but the available resources are not enough to cover the sites funded by MOMENTUM. There are fears that the UNFPA sites will run out of resources and supplies in the coming months.

In the wake of Trump’s funding cuts, health experts in Malawi have raised urgent concerns that new mothers and children will face the greatest impact, with many lives potentially lost as a result.

Makata has set up a WhatsApp group for women to contact her with concerns and questions, but she is frustrated that she cannot work as she used to.

“We would go to where people resided and give them permanent and long-term care,” she says, referring to the posts. “It’s not easy for me to see this. We can’t help those who need the services the most.”

Massitive Matekenya, a community leader for the Musa community in Mulanje district, dressed in a black blazer and oversized chequered-green tie, is at the vacant Mulanje health post.

These days, he says, it is hard to put on a brave face for the people he represents.

“Women in our community are now giving birth on the way to the district hospital since it’s such a long distance away,” says Matekenya. “That puts baby and mother in jeopardy with the potential of the mother bleeding out.”

Matekenya struggles to boost morale as he is constantly faced with community anger over the fact that medical outreach has ended.

He says a 40-year-old woman from his community recently died from malaria. “She had no quick referral to the nearest health facility due to issues of transport,” Matekenya says, noting that the community reached out to a politician but that his assistance came too late.

“I’m worried,” he says. “With family planning services not being offered any more, we are expecting to see a spike in pregnancies, and we are anticipating a possible rise in maternal deaths.”

Malawi
Female patients recovering or awaiting treatment for obstetric fistula at the Bwaila Fistula Centre in Lilongwe [Imran-Ullah Khan/Al Jazeera]

Impact on fistula care

In a health clinic in Malawi’s capital, Lilongwe, a woman dressed in black with a golden brooch shuffles from hall to hall. Margaret Moyo is tending to her daily responsibilities as head coordinator at the Bwaila Fistula Centre.

Obstetric fistula occurs when a hole between the birth canal and bladder or rectum is formed during an obstructed and extended labour. Women who do not receive medical treatment can be left incontinent.

Beyond the physical pain, women suffering from obstetric fistula also face social stigma due to the constant leaking and are often ostracised from their communities.

The Bwaila Fistula Centre receives more than 400 patients a year from all over the country, as well as from districts in neighbouring Mozambique. It has 45 beds, one doctor and 14 specialised nurses, and some 30 patients were at the centre when Al Jazeera visited in August.

With fewer resources, individuals will not be seen as often during pregnancy, which could lead to undetected maternal health issues, including more cases of fistula, Moyo argues. She is also concerned that conversations around prevention and education will take a backseat.

“The focus should be on training midwives, access to care and education to delay pregnancy in younger women since they are often most at risk of fistula,” says Moyo.

Before the USAID cuts, Malawi’s government had already forecast a $23m shortfall for reproductive, maternal, and newborn health funding for 2025 owing to drops in foreign aid.

Malawi
Margaret Moyo, head coordinator at the Bwaila Fistula Centre in Lilongwe [Imran-Ullah Khan/Al Jazeera]

‘I am able to help them’

For the past five years, Moyo has been running what she calls an “ambassador” programme at her facility. Patients who undergo successful fistula repair and are reintegrated into their communities are trained and sent out into their communities.

So far, 120 fistula survivors have become patient ambassadors who educate through community outreach to bring in new patients for treatment.

One such ambassador is Alefa Jeffrey. Wearing a grey “Freedom from Fistula Foundation” T-shirt, the 36-year-old mother of four crosses her arms and gazes towards the floor as she talks about being ostracised after she gave birth and developed a fistula.

“I wasn’t allowed to go to church because the other girls made fun of me and said I smelled bad because I was leaking urine and stool,” she says. “My family told me to go to a traditional healer, but he wasn’t able to help.”

Jeffrey could deal with the physical pain, but she was tormented by the negative interactions with friends and family.

“I got used to dealing with fistula, but it was what people were saying that was giving me the most pain,” recounts Jeffrey, who says she even contemplated suicide.

But she also started looking for answers, asking the traditional healer and then eventually meeting an ambassador who came to her community to speak to women.

Having successfully undergone treatment, involving surgery and follow-up patient and educational care, Jeffrey now advocates for fistula education.

She has set up a WhatsApp group for people to chat with her for information about the condition. She has also brought in 39 mothers from her community to the clinic.

“I’m an expert now. I’m able to convince people to come, which isn’t easy,” says Jeffrey. “Some women have lived with a fistula for so long they don’t believe they can be repaired, and they have already given up, but I am able to help them.”

Malawi
Patients await treatment for various ailments at the Nsanje District Hospital [Imran-Ullah Khan/Al Jazeera]

Lessons from the past: ‘We didn’t panic’

Although health experts are worried about the future of a system without USAID in a country where more than 70 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, government leaders say they have been there before.

Back in 2017, during his first presidency, Trump halted funding for the UNFPA and several groups that provided family planning. Malawi’s government approached NGOs and other countries to alleviate the gaps in funding.

Through community and grassroots innovations, they believe they can weather the storm again.

“We didn’t panic when we heard about the USAID cuts,” says Dr Samson Mndolo, Malawi’s secretary of health. “Instead, we looked at how to be more efficient and get more services for our money.

“We looked at areas where we could maximise resources, so for example if an officer goes to a community to do immunisations, they can now provide family planning services in the same trip too.”

Sitting in his office in the Lilongwe City Council building behind an organised desk, Mndolo discusses the challenges.

“As soon as the stop-work orders came out, we lost close to 5,000 health workers. The majority of these are what we call HIV diagnostic assistants,” he says, referring to the fallout from the USAID cuts. “We are looking now to push towards a health system that is more community-based and not necessarily hospital-based.” In such a system, doctors and health workers from central hospitals would be dispatched more to remote communities, and regular community outreach would become part of their remit, requiring them to perform a wider array of services.

Mndolo and his colleagues are setting up online initiatives and WhatsApp chat groups to field questions from remote patients. He remains optimistic about Malawi’s health system and says the worst thing the country can do now is to lose hope.

“Each crisis is an opportunity. This gives us a chance to strengthen the system and retrain our workforce and digital health systems,” he says.

“We are not naive. This will take some time, but once we get a hold of that as a nation, we can be better with time; that is the opportunity that is there for us.”

Despite such reassurance, those in remote communities say they feel isolated.

Tendai Kausi, a 22-year-old mother from the Musa community in the Mulanje district, still goes to the remote health post for help with her four-year-old son, Saxton. But because of the cuts and closures, many women from her community do not, and she has seen new mothers carry pregnancies in their isolated villages – far from healthcare and without routine checks.

“This is not good for the development of our country,” she says.

“My child will be affected because the services here will not get better,” Kausi says. “I feel very sad for my community.”

Malawi
Patients at the Bwaila Fistula Centre [Imran-Ullah Khan/Al Jazeera]

Cambodia-Thailand border clashes send half a million into shelters

Half a million evacuees in Cambodia and Thailand are sheltering in pagodas, schools and other safe havens after fleeing a renewed eruption of fighting in a century-old border dispute.

At least 13 people, including Thai soldiers and Cambodian civilians, have been killed in the latest spate of fighting, now in its third day on Wednesday, officials said, while more than 500,000 have fled border regions where jets, tanks and drones are waging battle.

The Southeast Asian neighbours dispute the colonial-era demarcation of their 800-kilometre (500-mile) frontier, where competing claims to historic temples have spilled over into armed conflict.

This week’s clashes are the deadliest since five days of fighting in July, which killed dozens and displaced about 300,000 people before a shaky truce was agreed.

Both sides blame each other for instigating the renewed conflict, which on Tuesday expanded to five provinces in both Thailand and Cambodia.

Miami mayoral election results: What we know about Eileen Higgins’ win

Miami voters on Tuesday elected Democrat Eileen Higgins as mayor, ending a nearly three-decade dry spell for her party after she defeated a Republican endorsed by Donald Trump in the predominantly Hispanic city.

While the election was officially nonpartisan, the race took on national significance, pitting Higgins against Republican Emilio Gonzalez, a former Miami city manager, in a contest closely watched by both parties.

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The win comes in the wake of recent electoral success achieved by the Democratic Party ahead of next year’s midterm elections.

Here is what we know:

What were the final results of the Miami election?

Higgins led Republican Gonzalez 59 percent to 41 percent on Tuesday night, according to preliminary results from the Miami-Dade County Supervisor of Elections Office. She is the first woman ever elected as mayor in the city.

She won Tuesday’s run-off after leading the first round of voting on November 4 with 35 percent of the vote to Gonzalez’s 19 percent.

“Tonight, the people of Miami made history,” Higgins said in a statement. “Together, we turned the page on years of chaos and corruption and opened the door to a new era for our city.”

Higgins’ victory adds to a run of recent Democratic wins, including races in New Jersey and Virginia, as the party looks towards the 2026 midterms. That trend continued with strong results in November’s off-year elections and a solid showing in this month’s special House race in Tennessee.

While Miami’s mayor wields limited formal power, the role is highly symbolic, representing a city with a large Latino population at the centre of national immigration debates.

Home to roughly half a million residents, Miami is Florida’s second-most populous city after Jacksonville. In recent election cycles, it has shifted towards Republicans, making a Democratic win stand out even more. Trump had won Miami-Dade County in the 2024 presidential election against her Democratic rival Kamala Harris.

Hispanic or Latino residents make up roughly 70 percent of Miami’s population. In Miami-Dade County overall, about 69–70 percent of residents identify as Hispanic or Latino – a demographic majority that significantly shapes the region’s cultural and political identity.

What are some of the key issues of this campaign?

Immigration was a key issue in Higgins’ campaign.

In Miami, she often talked about Donald Trump’s immigration crackdown, saying she heard from residents who were worried about family members being detained. She described the election as a referendum on the president’s policies, which have caused concerns about due process.

More than 200,000 people have been arrested since Trump launched the crackdown on migrants in January. At least 75,000 people, who were arrested as part of Trump’s fight against gang members and criminals, had no criminal records, according to new data. He has deported hundreds of migrants and halted asylum and green card applications.

The Trump administration had also ordered the arrest of several students who participated in protests against Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza. Several of them have since been released by the courts.

The difference between the candidates was clear during a debate last month. Higgins called immigration enforcement in Miami “cruel and inhumane” and criticised the detention centre opened by Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, commonly known as “Alligator Alcatraz”.

In that same debate, her opponent, Gonzalez, said he supported federal law enforcement rounding up “people who commit crimes”.

“I support putting down migrant criminals, I cannot in good conscience fight with the federal government and defend a rapist or a murderer,” Gonzalez added.

This combination of images shows candidates for mayor of Miami, from left, Republican Emilio Gonzalez and Democrat Eileen Higgins [AP]

Higgins repeated her message in an interview with El Pais this week, drawing a sharp contrast with Trump’s approach.

“He and I have very different points of view on how we should treat our residents, many of whom are immigrants,” she said.

“That is the strength of this community. We are an immigrant-based place. That’s our uniqueness. That’s what makes us special.”

Affordability was also a major issue in the race. Higgins focused her campaign on local concerns such as housing costs, while Gonzalez campaigned on repealing Miami’s homestead property tax and streamlining business permits.

“My opponent is keen on building, building, building,” Gonzalez told CNN. “She wants to put a skyscraper in every corner … then calling it affordable housing, which is a misnomer, because very rarely is it truly affordable.”

During a speech in Pennsylvania on Tuesday, Trump raised the issue of affordability, which Democrats have highlighted. He blamed high prices on his predecessor, Joe Biden.

The cost of living has been on the election campaign agenda in recent gubernatorial and mayoral elections in which Democrats have made gains, including the much-publicised New York mayoral election. The Democratic wins show that the issue has resonated with voters.

Who is Eileen Higgins?

Higgins is Miami’s first non-Hispanic mayor in nearly three decades. Born in Ohio and raised in Albuquerque, New Mexico, she earned a Bachelor of Science in mechanical engineering from the University of New Mexico and later completed an MBA at Cornell University.

Before becoming mayor, Higgins represented a politically conservative district that includes Little Havana, the city’s well-known Cuban enclave.

She has embraced the nickname “La Gringa,” a term commonly used in Spanish to refer to white Americans.

Her professional background spans international development and consulting, with a focus on infrastructure and transportation projects across Latin America. She later served as Peace Corps country director in Belize and went on to work as a foreign service officer for the United States Department of State, where her portfolio included diplomatic and economic development efforts in countries such as Mexico and South Africa.

After her government service, Higgins returned to the private sector before eventually entering local politics in Miami.

Military transport plane crashes in war-torn Sudan, killing crew: Report

A military transport aircraft has gone down while attempting to land at an airbase in eastern Sudan, killing all the crew members in the war-ravaged nation.

An Ilyushin Il-76 crashed on Tuesday as it approached the Osman Digna airbase in Port Sudan, near the city’s main airport, two military sources told the AFP news agency, citing a technical malfunction during the landing attempt.

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All crew members on board were killed, though the government-aligned Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) has not disclosed how many people were on the plane.

The last major incident at the airbase occurred in May, when drones struck multiple sites across Port Sudan, including the airfield.

The incident comes as SAF faces mounting losses across the country’s central regions.

On Monday, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) seized control of the Heglig oilfield, Sudan’s largest oil facility, in West Kordofan province after SAF abandoned their positions, according to the Sudan Tribune.

Military sources told Al Jazeera on Tuesday that the army was also withdrawing from Babnusa in West Kordofan, a strategic gateway that the RSF said it had taken control of in early December.

The loss of Heglig delivers a significant blow to the military-aligned government’s revenue streams. The facility processes between 80,000 and 100,000 barrels of crude oil daily for Sudan and South Sudan, and the pipeline to Port Sudan runs through it.

Ahmed Ibrahim, a former adviser to the Sudanese government, told Al Jazeera on Tuesday that the attack on Heglig was part of an RSF effort to drag South Sudan, where a fragile truce between the country’s dominant forces has only barely held, into the war on its side.

The conflict’s epicentre has shifted to the Kordofan region following el-Fasher’s fall last month, which the United Nations has described as a “crime scene”. RSF gains across the central region now threaten to bisect the country, potentially isolating army-held territory and consolidating paramilitary control over a continuous stretch from Chad to the country’s heartland.

The same day as the plane crash, the United States imposed sanctions on four Colombian nationals and four companies accused of recruiting hundreds of military veterans to fight for the RSF.

However, the sanctions did not target Global Security Services Group, a company in the United Arab Emirates, which, a November report by The Sentry, a United States-based investigative organisation that tracks conflict financing, identified as arranging the deployment of Colombian mercenaries to Sudan.

The UAE has consistently denied providing support to the RSF.

Also on Tuesday, the International Criminal Court (ICC) sentenced Ali Kushayb, a former leader of the Popular Defence Forces (also known as Janjaweed) militia, to 20 years in prison for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Darfur between 2003 and 2004.

The conviction marks the first time the ICC has prosecuted crimes in Darfur, a region now witnessing renewed mass atrocities as the RSF, which traces its origins to the Janjaweed, advances across western and central Sudan.

The conflict has killed tens of thousands since April 2023 and displaced more than 12 million people.

The World Food Programme warns that 20 million people face acute food shortages, with six million on the brink of starvation.

Writing for Al Jazeera, Javid Abdelmoneim, international president of Doctors Without Borders (also known by its French initials MSF), warned that the world must not accept “a new normal” of mass atrocities in Sudan.