‘Act fast’: How speed defined the start of Donald Trump’s second term

But not all of Trump’s changes are necessarily built to last. Already, Trump is bracing for this year’s midterm elections, which could result in one or both chambers of Congress switching party control.

“If we don’t win the midterms, I mean, they’ll find a reason to impeach me,” Trump told a gathering of Republican lawmakers earlier this month.

And while Trump has teased the prospect of running for an unconstitutional third term, the law limits him to only two. That opens the possibility that the presidency could change parties in 2028 as well.

“Assuming a Democratic administration follows the Trump administration, much of Trump’s agenda and changes will be undone as quickly as possible,” Updegrove said.

“From executive orders to gold-leaf stencil on the White House walls, a lot of it can be undone.”

But there are downstream effects, the historian warned, that may not become apparent until well after Trump’s presidency. The speed of the change has rendered them somewhat invisible.

“When you think about this muzzle-velocity stuff, there are some things that we don’t even realize has happened,” Updegrove said.

He pointed to the loss of institutional knowledge after Trump’s widespread layoffs as an example of decisions with as-yet unseen consequences.

“Even the things that we know have gone through, we don’t see the full effects and won’t for many years.”

And yet, Updegrove speculates that a lack of velocity in one critical area may prove to be the downfall of Trumpism: economic growth.

The consumer prices repeatedly topped polls of voter concerns in the 2024 election, and Trump had promised that, “starting on day one”, he would “end inflation and make America affordable again”.

But Updegrove says average Americans are not seeing the promised turnaround in their pocketbooks.

“If we successfully turn the tide on Trump, I don’t know that it will ultimately be driven by our fear of the erosion of our democracy, rather than a dissatisfaction with the pace of economic change,” he said.

AFCON: To walk or not to walk?

Game Theory

In the AFCON final between Morocco and Senegal, tensions spilled beyond the touchline, when Senegal walked off the pitch. For a few minutes, the outcome risked being shaped by the rulebook, not the football. But this isn’t unique to African football. Samantha Johnson looks at that AFCON final and the fallout.

A year in images: Donald Trump’s return to the White House

Donald Trump declared that the United States would enter a new “golden age” on January 20, 2025.

He pledged that pledge at the ceremony’s podium one year ago. And as his speech predicted, “a tide of change” has actually swept the nation.

Trump has authorized attacks in seven foreign nations, including Iraq, Iran, Nigeria, Somalia, Yemen, Syria, and Venezuela, since taking office and signed 228 executive orders. He has also authorized more than 1, 740 acts of clemency.

As Trump tries to create a “smaller, more efficient federal government,” his administration has also praised the departure of at least 317, 000 federal employees in the last year.

Presidential historians warn that years may pass before the effects of so many dramatic changes, which are carried out quickly.

They won’t necessarily guarantee the standing that Trump’s slogan, “Make America Great Again,” promises.

According to historian Mark Updegrove, president of the LBJ Foundation, “This will be one of the most significant presidencies in our country’s history.”

There is one important caveat, though: Just because a president is consequential does not guarantee that the president will become a great leader in history. The two might be at opposite extremes in this situation.

Another historian, Russell Riley of the University of Virginia’s Miller Center, expressed concern about the “collateral damage” of numerous changes.

Riley said it’s always difficult to tell whether you’re hitting load-bearing walls when you’re using the wrecking ball so quickly and extensively.

This raises questions about the fundamental stability of a political system that has endured a number of threats over the past 200 years, but not one of these serious ones.

Four killed by floods after Tunisia’s worst rainfall in 70 years

At least four people have been killed in Tunisia after the heaviest rainfall in the country for more than 70 years caused flooding.

All four people were killed in Moknine in the Monastir governorate on Tuesday, according to Khalil Mechri, a civil defence spokesperson.

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The flooding has disrupted daily life in multiple governorates in Tunisia, leaving cars submerged and emergency services struggling to respond to the scale of the disaster.

Civil protection teams have also said that several areas were cut off by the floodwaters, especially in low-lying neighbourhoods.

Abderazak Rahal, head of forecasting at the National Institute of Meteorology (INM), told the AFP news agency that some regions in the country had not witnessed this much rain since 1950.

“We have recorded exceptional amounts of rainfall for the month of January,” Rahal said, with the regions of Monastir, Nabeul and greater Tunis the most affected.

A man carries a bag of bread as he wades through floodwaters, in La Goulette near Tunis, Tunisia [AFP]

Another INM official, Mahrez Ghannouchi, wrote in a Facebook post that the situation was “critical” in some regions.

According to the INM, the tourist village of Sidi Bou Said, on the outskirts of Tunis, recorded 206mm (8.1 inches) of rain since Monday evening.

AFP is reporting, quoting a Defence Ministry source, that the army is also taking part in rescue operations.

Schools have been shut in the capital as well as the towns of Nabeul, Sousse and Beja. Court sessions were also suspended, and public and private transport was impacted in some districts.

There is another war Israel is waging – one that is not making headlines

As the United States focuses efforts on protracting Israel’s aggression on Gaza through the theatrics of a ceasefire, another war is also taking place in the West Bank.

In the last two years, Israel has upped its “counterinsurgency operations” in the West Bank to “thwart Palestinian terrorism”. Using terms like “counterinsurgency operations” is not coincidental. Israel instrumentalises military terms to conceal intention and fabricate reality. From Operation Iron Wall, to Operation Summer Camps and Operation Five Stones, to, most recently, the “counterterrorism” operation in al-Khalil (Hebron), these are presented and reported as temporary, targeted, and reactive.

But they are not. The intensified military aggression – along with settler militia violence, infrastructure destruction, home demolitions and ever multiplying roadblocks and checkpoints – are meant to create facts on the ground that make life for Palestinians impossible – similar to Gaza.

The West Bank’s war zones

In 2025, Israel’s military onslaught in the West Bank resulted in the largest mass displacement campaign Palestinians have faced since 1967, with nearly 50,000 Palestinians violently kicked out of their homes.

The Israeli army destroyed the refugee camps in Jenin and Tulkarem and denied their residents the right to return. It has now effectively transformed the two camps into its military headquarters in the north.

Israeli troops also undertook the near-total destruction of infrastructure, including roads, sanitation systems and the electric grid. At least 70 percent of Jenin city’s roads were bulldozed, and the majority of water pipelines and sewage networks were destroyed in Jenin and Tulkarem within weeks, incurring millions of dollars in economic loss.

Thousands of households were disconnected from both water and electricity across the district. And still today, displaced families live in hard-to-access areas with hardly any civilian infrastructure.

In parallel, the Israeli army expanded the geography of its violence. Israeli troops now carry out regular raids in cities in the centre of the West Bank, including Ramallah and Ariha (Jericho), and in the south like al-Khalil (Hebron) and Bethlehem. In these attacks, Palestinians are besieged, terrorised and at times executed by Israeli soldiers who are operating with impunity.

This week, the Israeli army launched a large-scale operation in al-Khalil (Hebron) under the guise of bringing law and order. The whole city has been placed under lockdown with Israeli tanks patrolling the streets, while men and boys are being detained, subject to field interrogation and held under brutal conditions.

But Israeli violence is not limited to army raids and operations only. Where the army goes, settlers follow. In true settler-colonial spirit, the army acts as the trailblazer to usher attacks by Israeli settler militias on Palestinian people and property and shepherd land annexation. In the last two years, Israelis living illegally in the West Bank have been armed with military-grade weapons ranging from US-made M16s to pistols and drones, and they are using them at will.

It is by now clear that Israel’s “counterinsurgency” operations are not about achieving victory “on the battlefield”. They are a coordinated effort with settlers to re-engineer the spatial and social environment in the West Bank so there can be no dissent or resistance.

When a counterinsurgency logic is applied to an occupied civilian population, it transforms homes, streets, and daily routines into instruments of control.

The infrastructure of fear

Last January, Israeli settlers put up billboards on main roads in the West Bank. In big bold letters, they wrote: “there is no future in Palestine”. Palestinians understood this for what it was: a declaration of war. We are now in the middle of it.

Every week, there is an average of nine Palestinians killed, 88 more injured, 180 arrested, a dozen more tortured in field interrogations, coupled with an average of 100 Israeli settler attacks, 300 military raids and assaults and 10 demolitions of Palestinian homes and property. This is all just a week’s work.

These figures do not just reflect the heightened level of violence, but also its frequency. The aim of this intensification is to erode any sense of normalcy for Palestinians.

Thousands of raids over the course of a year, coupled with settlement expansion, new bypass roads, hundreds of new military checkpoints, and systemic surveillance, are not episodic; they have transformed violence from exception to routine, normalising disruption as a condition of governance.

Settler-colonial violence dictates Palestinian lives; it shapes when people sleep, where children play, when they can go to school, whether businesses open, and how futures are imagined. It imposes the need for constant recalibration. It drains and exhausts.

Across the West Bank, Palestinian daily life is structured around violent interruptions. Israel is not only redrawing the map through de facto annexation, but it is using fear as infrastructure to redraw the boundaries of where it is safe for Palestinians to exist.

This affects every aspect of life. As a Palestinian journalist, every time I hit the road, I am met with a familiar, crippling anxiety about what could happen. I rarely take the same route twice. One day, it’s a village closed off; the next, an entire city. An hour-long drive turns into a three-hour, sometimes four-hour one. I reroute through the mountains, again and again, as Israeli gates and checkpoints appear at every entry and exit of every Palestinian village and town.

Our life in the West Bank is measured in detours. They don’t just highlight Israel’s systemic and expedited theft of territory and life-sustaining resources, but they serve to rob time and deplete socioeconomic capacity. Israel has not only ruptured territorial continuity in the West Bank, but destroyed social life, psychological grounding, and political possibilities.

And so while some Palestinians are pushed out at gunpoint, the rest are being pushed out through the infrastructure of fear.

Israel has successfully created a hostile environment where even homes can become battlefields in a matter of minutes. At the same time, violence from armed Israeli militias and the proliferation of outposts suffocate urban areas like Nablus, Ramallah, Bethlehem and al-Khalil (Hebron).

The Israeli army has even taken to carrying out systemic lootings of currency exchange shops and stealing valuables, like gold and silver, from households. This is as important as the daily terror because Israel is not only destroying physical infrastructure, but simultaneously making recovery and rebuilding impossible.

Fragmenting a people

A disconnected land is a disconnected people. Palestinian cities in the West Bank are shrinking and are being swallowed into an ever-expanding Israeli colonial state.

Last year, Israel formalised plans to develop the illegal E1 settlement project, and this year, it is expected to push forward the plan to expand settlements near Jerusalem, the Jordan Valley and across Ramallah. These developments would effectively cut off occupied East Jerusalem from the West Bank and the north from the south. Israeli settlers are now erecting Israeli flags on Palestinian roads and homes as a symbol of conquest.

The West Bank is pivotal for understanding that war does not only arrive with bombs; sometimes it comes with checkpoints, permits, zoning restrictions, state-sponsored violence, and the rerouting of life-sustaining resources away from the Palestinians and towards settlements. It is not merely the fragmentation of land in preparation for colonisation, but the slow degradation of the native population’s capacity to exist collectively.

The West Bank is where war takes hold beneath the threshold of headlines, without any front lines.