Category World News

Some 2,000 miles (3,200km) now separate Venezuelans from Nicolas Maduro, their abducted president, who United States special forces have flown to New York.

But Mario, a Caracas resident, is worried about celebrating publicly against the ouster of a leader who oversaw a government apparatus that to many Venezuelans became synonymous with repression.

Maduro’s government remains mostly intact after his Vice President Delcy Rodriguez was sworn in – with US President Donald Trump’s blessing – as acting president on Monday. Her track record within the Maduro establishment has many Venezuelans on edge; deleting texts, avoiding talking about politics in public, and self-censoring on social media, according to people interviewed by Al Jazeera.

Since the US bombing, Venezuelan police have announced the arrest of at least four people for celebrating Maduro’s capture or mocking the former leader.

“[The police] apprehended two citizens in Guaraque who were celebrating the kidnapping of President Maduro,” read one statement from police in the western city of Merida; “Two arrested for incitement to hatred and treason,” read another from authorities in the state of Carabobo.

The crackdown comes after the government on Saturday decreed a state of emergency, ordering security forces to “immediately undertake the search and capture … of any person involved in promoting or supporting the armed attack by the United States of America” and to prosecute them.

Screenshots of the decree have circulated on social media, contributing to what some residents say is a chilling effect.

“The fear is that they will unjustly imprison you, prosecute you and charge you with whatever they want to charge you with and send you to prison,” said Mario in a phone interview from Caracas with Al Jazeera.

He said he’s no longer taking the main roads to avoid security checkpoints and run-ins with government-aligned paramilitary groups called colectivos. He also doesn’t post anything about the US attacks on social media and said he deletes any videos that could be perceived as provocation by the government.

‘Not a good sign’

As vice president, Rodriguez took control of the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (SEBIN) in 2018, during one of the most repressive periods of Maduro’s rule.

“I think she is more pragmatic [than Maduro],” Laura Cristina Dib, Venezuela director at the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) told Al Jazeera, “but that doesn’t mean she’s not part of the repressive apparatus as well.”

The United Nations has accused SEBIN of torturing dozens of opposition politicians, journalists and activists, including inside the infamous El Helicoide detention centre in Caracas.

On Tuesday, Rodriguez appointed former SEBIN director Gustavo Enrique Gonzalez Lopez as the new head of the General Directorate of Military Counterintelligence (DGCIM), which was also accused of human rights abuses by the UN.

“This is not a good sign,” said Dib, adding that Gonzalez Lopez was one of the first Venezuelan officials to be sanctioned during the Obama administration and he continued the policy of torture at El Helicoide as SEBIN director.

He also helped oversee the Liberation of the People (OLP), a years-long operation which rooted out dissent using abuse and extrajudicial killings, resulting in the deaths of hundreds and possibly thousands of people, mostly in poor neighbourhoods.

Gonzalez Lopez’s latest appointment, Dib said, “is not a step in the right direction”.

‘Shock factor’

Almost a year and a half on from the 2024 elections, in which Maduro crushed protests against his fraudulent election, Carlos Lusverti, an investigator at the Center for Human Rights at the Andres Bello Catholic University in Caracas, thinks those crackdowns remain in Venezuelans’ psyche.

“At that time, there was a general wave of arrests and repression that I think generally sensitised the population in terms of silencing any expression that could be understood as criticism of the government,” Lusverti told Al Jazeera.

He said the “shock factor” from the recent US bombardment only adds to the paranoia, and some Venezuelans fear the current government may revert to its old tactics.

On Christmas Day this year, Tarique Rahman – the heir apparent of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the man many believe could be the country’s next prime minister – returned home and stepped directly into a power vacuum that has been steadily widening since the collapse of the Awami League government in August 2024.

After 17 years in exile, Rahman’s act of touching the soil was carefully staged for the cameras, but its consequences are structural rather than symbolic. Bangladesh today is a state without a steady pulse, and his return has brought the country’s brief post-revolutionary interlude to an end.

Five days later, on December 30, the political moment hardened into historical finality. Khaleda Zia – the former prime minister and wife of BNP founder and former Bangladesh President Ziaur Rahman – died after a prolonged illness, severing the last living link to the party’s original leadership generation.

Rahman is no longer Khaleda Zia’s successor. He is now the leader of the BNP as it heads towards elections on February 12.

The nation Rahman left in 2008 was fractured; the one he inhabits now is structurally compromised. The hurried flight of Sheikh Hasina to India after the uprising against her ended a decade and a half of autocratic rule but left behind a hollowed-out bureaucracy and a social contract in shreds.

While Muhammad Yunus’s interim administration attempts to manage the transition, street power has already begun to bypass formal authority. In this volatility, Rahman’s presence acts as a high-voltage conductor for the BNP, providing a focal point for an opposition that was, until recently, systematically suppressed.

For millions who viewed the last decade of elections under Hasina’s authoritarian grip as foregone conclusions, Rahman represents the return of choice.

Yet Rahman is no insurgent outsider; he is the ultimate product of the system he seeks to lead. As the son of two former leaders of the country, he carries the weight of a dynastic legacy closely associated with the patronage networks that have long hobbled Bangladeshi governance. His earlier proximity to power was marked by allegations of informal authority and corruption – charges that continue to serve as political ammunition for his detractors. To supporters, he is a victim of judicial overreach; to critics, he is evidence of why Bangladesh’s democratic experiments so often collapse under the weight of elite impunity.

This duality defines the tension of his return. Rahman is now attempting a pivot, trading the rhetoric of street agitation for the measured cadence of a statesman. His recent speeches – emphasizing minority protection, national unity, and the rule of law – suggest a leader acutely aware that the youth who helped dislodge Hasina will not accept a simple change in the identity of the ruling elite.

The BNP he now leads faces a Bangladesh that is more globally integrated and less patient with opaque politics. If Rahman takes power, pressure to reform the judiciary and the Election Commission will be immediate. Without institutional credibility, any mandate he secures will have a dangerously short shelf life.

Economically, Rahman is likely to pursue pragmatic continuity. Bangladesh’s dependence on garment exports and foreign investment leaves little room for ideological experimentation. The real test will be internal discipline. The temptation to settle old scores and reward loyalists through the same rent-seeking channels used by previous regimes will be immense. History suggests this is where Bangladeshi leaders fail – and the country’s current economic fragility leaves no margin for such indulgence.

The most delicate arena, however, will be foreign policy – specifically, relations with India. For years, New Delhi found a predictable, if transactional, partner in Sheikh Hasina. The BNP, by contrast, has long been viewed by Indian security circles with suspicion and strategic unease.

Rahman now appears to be signalling a reset, moving away from nationalist antagonism towards what he describes as “balanced sovereignty”. He understands that while Bangladesh must recalibrate its relationship with India to satisfy domestic sentiment, it cannot afford hostility with its most consequential neighbour. For India, the challenge is accepting that a stable, pluralistic Bangladesh – even under a familiar rival – is preferable to a perpetually unstable one.

Ultimately, Rahman’s return is a stress test not just for Bangladesh, but for the idea of democratic choice in South Asia itself. This is not a simple dynastic succession; it is a reckoning. After years of enforced stability and managed outcomes, the reintroduction of political uncertainty is, paradoxically, a sign of democratic life.

Whether Tarique Rahman uses this opening to rebuild institutions he once bypassed – or reverts to the habits of the past – will determine more than his personal legacy. It will decide whether Bangladesh can finally break its cycle of exile and revenge, or whether it is merely preparing for the next collapse.

Hours before United States special forces abducted Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro last Saturday, Maduro met with China’s special envoy to the Latin American country to reaffirm their nations’ “strategic relationship”.

Now the decades-long relationship is in question, as is the future of billions of dollars of Chinese investment in the country. At the same time, the US has handed China a new opportunity to assert its dominance in its own back yard, including on its claim to self-governing Taiwan, say analysts.

Under the 19th-century Monroe Doctrine, recently revived by US President Donald Trump, the Western Hemisphere falls under the US sphere of influence – and the US only.

Trump invoked the doctrine in his latest national security strategy published late last year. Originally intended to keep Europe out of the Western Hemisphere, Trump’s version emphasises the need to counter China’s presence there.

The “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine states the US wants a Western Hemisphere that “remains free of hostile foreign incursion or ownership of key assets, and that supports critical supply chains” in an oblique reference to China.

ABC News and CNN on Tuesday reported that the Trump administration was demanding that Venezuela cut ties with China, Iran, Russia and Cuba before it would be allowed to resume oil production.

The White House declined to confirm or deny the reports, which cited unnamed sources.

Trump has previously taken issue with Chinese investment in the region and claimed, incorrectly, during his inauguration speech last year that China was in control of the Panama Canal.

Since US forces captured Maduro last week, Trump has also revived claims that the US should “acquire” Greenland, an autonomous Danish territory, to protect US national security.

He claimed this week that the Arctic island was inundated with “Russian and Chinese ships,” although there is no evidence to support his claim.

“China is likely to read this as confirmation that the US is explicitly comfortable with hemispheric spheres of influence,” said Simona Grano, head of research on China-Taiwan relations at the University of Zurich’s Institute for Asian and Oriental Studies.

China immediately condemned Maduro’s abduction by US special forces as a “clear violation of international law” and urged Washington to “stop toppling the government of Venezuela”.

But the return of these spheres “cuts both ways for Beijing,” said Grano.

“On the one hand, it underscores the vulnerability of China’s investments and partnerships in Latin America; on the other, it may reinforce Chinese perceptions that Washington would find it harder to credibly oppose similar logic in East Asia, even if the Taiwan case is far more sensitive and escalatory,” she told Al Jazeera.

China has pledged to annex Taiwan by peace or by force if necessary and regards Taipei’s Democratic Progressive Party, which heads the democratically elected government, as separatists.

Diplomatically isolated Taiwan is only recognised by 11 countries and the Holy See, but it has unofficial backing from the US, which has pledged to help Taipei defend itself under the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act and the 1982 Six Assurances.

While Beijing regards Taiwan as an “internal” matter, Trump’s policy regarding “spheres of influence” could offer it another way to discuss Taiwan on the world stage, said Lev Nachman, a political scientist and an assistant professor at National Taiwan University.

“I do think that America has created more global precedent for large powers to take action against other states beyond their jurisdiction,” Nachman told Al Jazeera.

Though China is unlikely to act militarily against Taiwan in the near future, “it will now have an easier time justifying military action if and when the day comes,” Nachman said.

Taiwan is not the only place Beijing may consider to fall under its “sphere of influence”. China claims much of the South China Sea and has ongoing territorial disputes there with Vietnam, the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia and Taipei, while it also claims the Japanese-administered Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea.

Disputes between China and India on its eastern border have ended in deadly clashes, including a 1962 border war and more recent skirmishes since 2020.

On Chinese social media platforms such as WeChat, Douyin and Weibo, Venezuela has been a major talking point over the past week, with some netizens drawing parallels to Taiwan.

“Since the US can illegally invade Venezuela and arrest its president, the [Chinese military] can legitimately and legally exercise its national sovereignty over unification,” one Weibo user wrote in a post that received more than 1,000 comments.

The White House has characterised Maduro’s abduction as a law enforcement operation, and its air strikes on the waters around Venezuela as a defensive move to stem the flow of drugs into the US. None of Venezuela’s neighbours has interceded, although they have condemned Trump’s actions.

While critics have rejected the Trump administration’s framing of the kidnapping as a law and order move, that approach, too, appears to have prompted suggestions from some on Chinese social media on how Beijing could try to take Taiwan.

“First, issue arrest warrants for pro-independence elements, then send people to search for them,” a Weibo user said.

“During this process, there will inevitably be people who obstruct us, so we will use the military to overcome the obstruction,” another Weibo user said. “This term is good: law enforcement action, which is more applicable to our internal province of Taiwan.”

Experts agreed that the Maduro abduction in Venezuela would not immediately change China’s plans for Taiwan, which Grano described as “categorically different from Latin America in terms of escalation and alliance dynamics”.

A conflict with Taiwan could quickly draw in the US and potentially its treaty ally Japan, whose Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi said any attack or blockade of Taiwan would be a “survival-threatening situation for Japan,” potentially justifying the use of force. It could also dramatically affect global shipping routes through the strategically important Taiwan Strait.

Beijing has also not ruled out peaceful means of taking control of the democracy of 23 million people.

At the same time, “many [Chinese] netizens expressed shock at the United States’ unilateral handling of Maduro, with some commenting that the incident underscored a belief that only a strong country can avoid being bullied,” Jiang Jiang, chief editor of the China-focused newsletter Ginger River Review and a researcher at the Xinhua Institute think tank, told Al Jazeera.

Maduro’s arrest has shown Beijing that Trump is ready and willing to act on perceived threats, said William Yang, senior analyst for Northeast Asia at the Crisis Group.

Trump’s strike on Maduro was preceded by months of threats against the Venezuelan leader over his alleged ties to drug cartels, accompanied by US air strikes on alleged drug traffickers in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. The Trump administration has not released any evidence showing that the more than 100 people killed in these boat strikes were drug traffickers, or that the vessels were headed to the US.

“It’s a warning towards Beijing that the US will be willing to resort to the military option when trying to accomplish the goal of removing certain political forces in Latin America,” Yang told Al Jazeera.

Qinduo Xu, a Chinese political analyst who hosts a current affairs programme on the state-run CGTN television channel, agreed.

“It’s a reminder for China that the US is a different power – naked raw power – and they just throw out any kind of rules, international rules, or as long as they see the rules as in their way,” he told Al Jazeera.

Maduro’s ousting will likely reinforce Beijing’s preference for a model of engagement in Latin America where it does not assume any responsibility for the survival of its partnering governments and leaders, according to experts like Grano.

For the past 20 years, Venezuela has been one of Beijing’s closest partners in the region. China was the top destination for Venezuelan oil after the US imposed sanctions in 2019, and China has invested $4.8bn in Venezuela over that period, according to the Rhodium Group.

Beijing has also loaned the country tens of millions of dollars, of which JP Morgan estimates Venezuela still owes between $13bn and $15bn, according to a recent Reuters report.

The two sides signed an “all-weather strategic partnership” in 2023 – a diplomatic designation only granted by Beijing to five other countries. The partnership, however, does not include security guarantees, which means China will suffer little reputational damage in the long term as a trusted diplomatic partner for failing to come to Venezuela’s defence militarily, experts said.

Gabriel Wildau, the managing director of risk analysis company Teneo, told Al Jazeera he expected Chinese officials to remain pragmatic even as the US tries to assert its political sway over its “sphere of influence”.

“Ultimately … Beijing is likely to keep the bigger picture in mind. China’s leadership does not view relations with Venezuela as a core interest, and maintaining the current US-China detente is likely a higher priority,” he said. Trump is due to visit China in April amid negotiations aimed at resolving an ongoing trade war between the two superpowers that last year threatened to disrupt global commerce with spiralling tit-for-tat tariffs.

Australia had a few nervous moments but safely ‌chased down their 160-run victory target before tea on the final day of the fifth Ashes Test match against England, earning a five-wicket victory and a ‍4-1 series triumph.

Seamer Josh Tongue led England’s ‍battling rearguard with 3-42 but Alex Carey got Australia across the line with a four through the covers in the company of Cameron Green on Thursday.

“We’ve played so well as a team,” said Steve Smith, who was standing in for Pat Cummins as Australia captain for the fourth time in the series.

“We’ve had some incredible individual performances but … everyone else just stood up at different moments. I think that’s what makes a really good team. We won those ⁠big moments throughout the series.”

England will take credit for making a game of it and not being ground into the Sydney dirt as previous tourists have in end-of-series dead rubbers ​at the famous old ground.

Without the bowling of injured captain Ben Stokes, however, defending 160 was always going to be an uphill challenge on ‍a good wicket.

Australia’s openers managed to get the target under 100 runs before Man of the Match Travis Head, whose third century of the series underpinned his team’s first-innings 567, ballooned a shot to midwicket off Tongue for 29.

Jake Weatherald followed for 34, again caught off Tongue’s bowling, to bring up lunch with Australia 89 runs from their goal.

It ‍was 15 years and ⁠a day since England won the final Test of the 2010-11 series at the same ground by an innings and 83 runs – the last time they won an Ashes series Down Under.

Emotional Khawaja bows out

Usman Khawaja made his debut in that match and got his chance for one final innings before retirement when Smith was bowled through the gate by the spin of Will Jacks for 12 soon after lunch.

The England players formed a cordon to welcome Khawaja to the crease but Tongue’s bowling was less friendly and the left-hander played on for six after facing seven balls.

His farewell did not go as planned but Khawaja said it was a memorable occasion after a decorated 15-year career and more than 6,000 runs.

“I was trying to act cool, but the whole Test match I found it really hard to control my emotions,” the 39-year-old admitted afterwards.

“It means a lot. The only thing I wanted was a win,” he said.

“Grateful for the one last final win and to celebrate with my teammates.

Upon his dismissal, the batter stopped at a “Thanks Uzzy” sign on the ground and bowed down in prayer before returning to the pavilion.

Khawaja immigrated to Australia from Islamabad as a child, battling the odds to become the country’s first Pakistan-born and first Muslim national player.

At one point, he was the only Asian first-class player in Australia and is credited as a role model who opened doors for others.

“Some people have lost family, I am lucky my parents are still around. My family, my wife, my kids and another one on the way,” he said.

“I love the game of cricket but life outside cricket has been more important.

“Few dicey runs there with a little bit of pressure, but we got the job done in the end.”

Starc gets the job done

England had resumed their batting on 302-8 but Mitchell Starc struck a major blow to their hopes of setting Australia a testing target when he had Bethell caught behind for 154.

Bethell’s superb maiden Test century offered plenty of promise for the ‌future and was essentially the difference between an innings defeat for England and Australia batting again.

Starc (3-72) returned to remove ⁠Tongue for six to end the innings on 342, the left-arm quick later awarded Player of the Series honours for his tally of 31 wickets over the five Tests.

“The body is still holding together and this is a great group to be a part of,” the 35-year-old said. “I am a little tired but got the job done.”

In Sydney, Australia were again superior in every department, as they were when wins in Perth, Brisbane and Adelaide and secured possession ‌of the Ashes urn for another 18 months in just 11 days.

England won a lottery of a fourth Test in Melbourne – their first win in Australia since Sydney in 2011 – but the future of the “Bazball” style of play must be in doubt after a tour that started with high hopes ended in a 4-1 loss.

“We’ve not won the big series that we want to ‍be winning,” said Stokes.

“When a trend is happening on a consistent basis … that’s when you do need to go back and look at the drawing board and make some adjustments.”