Raila Odinga: The symbol and symptom of Kenya’s political tragedy

Kenyans are wont to refer to Raila Odinga, the long-reigning 80-year-old opposition leader who died on Wednesday, as the “Enigma of Kenyan politics,” a reference to the title of a 2006 biography of him penned by the Nigerian author, Babafemi Badejo. His unequalled ability to survive, even thrive, at the top of the country’s political landscape for decades confounded his rivals and inflicted headaches on the regimes he plagued. But I think he would be best remembered as more mirror than mystery: the personification of Kenya’s tragedy.

The son of Kenya’s first vice president, he carved out a path as a crusader for freedom and better governance that led him from the country’s prisons and torture chambers to some of the highest political offices in the land. But at the end of his life, the compromises he had made to get there, the handshakes that peppered his career, had taken their toll, with a new generation shunning him, considering him part of the problem.

Throughout his long career, he was inseparable from the fight for a better Kenya. From the struggle for the restoration of multiparty democracy in the 1990s to the 25-year battle for a new constitution, he was never far from the limelight. Few could match his ability to mobilise Kenyans or the sway he held over his supporters. Despite believing Kenya needed to ditch its presidential system for a parliamentary one, a position he argued vociferously during the constitutional conference in 2003, he ran for president in every election since 1997 with the exception of the 2002 one, when his proclamation of “Kibaki Tosha” was sufficient to propel Mwai Kibaki to the office.

He was a man Kenya seemed content to celebrate but determined to frustrate. He was arguably robbed of the presidency on at least two, perhaps three, of those attempts, in 2007, 2013 and 2017. His refusal to meekly accept the injustice led to his opponents, and even The New York Times, branding him “a perennial loser”. His resort to the street as an avenue to protest not just the electoral controversies, but terrible state policies, also led to accusations of being a dangerous instigator of political violence, though in truth, the violence associated with Kenyan political demonstrations almost always comes from the state.

However, it is also important to recall that for all his legendary contributions and deeply held beliefs, he was prone to startling bouts of hypocrisy. It is a potent illustration of how power in Kenya corrupts even its greatest reformers. In 2000, after his handshake with the dictatorship of Daniel arap Moi, which would eventually see him appointed to his cabinet, he called for his erstwhile comrades in the opposition to be charged with treason for holding unauthorised antigovernment rallies. In 2006 he boasted that, as part of the Rainbow Coalition that had ended Moi’s KANU party’s grip on power, he had blocked action by the Kibaki administration to hold the dictator accountable for some of the looting that had happened during his 24 years in power. In early 2008, the standoff between him and Kibaki over the bungled December 2007 presidential election would cost 1,300 Kenyans their lives and see hundreds of thousands displaced. Yet a few months later, following yet another handshake resulting in Raila becoming only the second person in Kenya’s history to be appointed prime minister, his family and close associates were implicated in a maize subsidy scam that left a third of the country starving.

For his reputation, the straw that broke the camel’s back was his infamous 2018 handshake with President Uhuru Kenyatta, which again came after the state’s violent repression following the historic annulment of the 2017 presidential election. It was widely seen as a betrayal of his supporters, more than 70 of whom had been murdered by security forces while protesting the hasty repeat election, which Raila boycotted, and its aftermath. Following that, though he still had enough in the tank for a final run at the presidency, he was largely a spent force. His challenge to the William Ruto regime in the latter part of 2022 and into 2023 was a pale shadow of the protests he had commanded in previous years and was eclipsed by the Gen Z uprising a year later.

Raila’s life epitomised both the promise and disappointment of Kenya, which was born in struggle, nurtured in hope and ruined by betrayal. The true tragedy, however, lies not in his compromises, but in a system that made, and continues to make, integrity nearly impossible. Despite his tremendous achievements which made him stand out among his contemporaries, not just in Kenya but across the continent and the globe, his trajectory sadly traced a path that too many of Kenya’s – and Africa’s – most promising politicians have walked. His death is a big blow to the country, and he will undoubtedly be remembered fondly by many. But perhaps it should also be with a tinge of sadness and anger for what could have been but for Kenya itself.

Denial and amnesia: Is the global community ready to welcome Israel back?

In both Israel and among its Western allies, the Gaza ceasefire deal is seen as an opportunity – to move on from the accusations of genocide against it, and to restore close relations weakened as a result of public anger.

Over two years of its unrelenting war on Gaza, Israel has killed more than 67,900 Palestinians and injured more than 170,000. It has destroyed or damaged 92 percent of the enclave’s residential housing and its actions in blockading Gaza have led to a famine being declared.

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Rights groups, international bodies, and organisations from within Israel, such as B’Tselem and Physicians for Human Rights Israel (PHRI), have concluded that the country’s actions amount to genocide: a view confirmed by a UN commission of inquiry in September.

By that month, criticism of Israel’s war had reached near consensus across Europe, and millions attended protests against Israel’s actions in world capitals every weekend.

However, marking the ceasefire in the Israeli Knesset on Tuesday, opposition leader Yair Lapid told lawmakers, including United States President Donald Trump: “Those who demonstrated against Israel in London, Rome, Paris … were deceived by propaganda … The truth is, there was no genocide, no intentional starvation.”

Denial 

“There is a relatively strong consensus that outside criticism must be dismissed as unjust,” former Israeli government adviser Daniel Levy told Al Jazeera. “This dismissal has been central to manufacturing societal consent for genocide: relentless media mobilisation around the war, coupled with rejection of criticism.”

“This pattern is consistent across almost the entire Zionist political spectrum, save for a small dissident cohort,” he said of the various groups within Israel which opposed the war from the outset.

Across Israel, there remains a refusal to accept the scale of the devastation their war has visited on Gaza, the lives destroyed, and the people – including children – pushed into famine as a consequence of government policies.

According to observers from within Israel, no public reckoning with the human cost of its war looks likely. Without acceptance of that cost, a resumption of hostilities – whatever the international consensus may be – remains possible.

“It’s not as if there’s just no awareness of the genocide in Israel,” Guy Shalev of PHRI told Al Jazeera. “There isn’t even an awareness of the suffering or widespread destruction of Gaza.

“A lot of the conversation is still fixed on [false allegations of] faked footage [of starving children or other potential war crimes] and how it’s all Hamas’s fault,” said Shalev. “Many of us aren’t even living in the same reality. My family and I aren’t even living in the same reality. We can’t agree on what truth is and, until that happens, there can never be accountability, and all of this could happen again.”

Some in Israel are hoping for just that.

Reacting to news of the impending ceasefire over the weekend, Israel’s hardline National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir branded the agreement a “national defeat” and “eternal disgrace”. Others, such as Amit Halevi, a member of the Israeli parliament representing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party, went further, saying Israel should have declared “to Hamas and to the whole world that the Jewish people will not forget or forgive until the complete annihilation of the neo-Nazis in Gaza and the restoration of Israeli control over this strip of our homeland”.

International amnesia

Many in the West already appear to be rushing to accept the ceasefire and US assurances of “everlasting peace” at face value.

Earlier this month, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said he saw no reason for Germans to continue protesting against Israel now that the ceasefire had been reached. On Wednesday, some of the country’s most senior politicians called upon him to resume arms exports to the country, despite the continued death toll in Gaza, and Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestinian territory.

On Monday, Israel’s new ambassador to the EU, Avi Nir-Feldklein, suggested that the US might allow the EU to participate in Gaza’s reconstruction if the EU would just “clear the table of what is hanging above our relationship”, he said of the potential sanctions the bloc is considering against Israel.

An aerial view shows the extensive destruction in southern Gaza’s Khan Younis following the implementation of a ceasefire and the withdrawal of Israeli forces on October 15, 2025 [Muhammed Eslayeh/Anadolu]

In both sport and culture, potential bans on Israel’s participation by the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) and Eurovision are reported to be in doubt following the US-imposed ceasefire.

“Israel is eager to normalise relations with Europe and its other Western allies,” Levy said. “The current narrative [in Israel] emphasises that, with the ceasefire, Israel is no longer isolating itself, that Hamas is contained, and that international opinion has swung in its favour.”

“In many respects, Israel and the Western political establishment share this goal of quieting public dissent,” he said, before noting that while Western governments may be eager for rapprochement, their publics may not. “The cultural and public zeitgeist has shifted. Increasingly, people will not accept the narrative that ‘everything is fine’ or that government complicity in structural violence and genocide is acceptable.”

Toleration of violence 

With no drastic reappraisal of Israel’s internal policies towards Palestinians or the occupied West Bank likely, analysts such as Royal United Services Institute’s HA Hellyer suggested that lawmakers in the West and beyond may be preparing for a return to relations similar to the period following the Oslo Accords in the 1990s.

The accords were supposed to eventually bring about a Palestinian state, but as Israeli intransigence made that increasingly unlikely in the years that followed, Western rhetoric shifted from claiming outright support for the two-state solution to supporting the process towards it.

“I think we can see a similar phase ahead,” Hellyer said, “as long as the violence is below a certain level, it will be acceptable.”

people walk past concrete buildings that have been reduced to rubble
Displaced Palestinians, including children, returning to their homes after the ceasefire agreement walk among the destroyed buildings in the Israeli attacks on October 12, 2025, in the Sabra neighbourhood in southern Gaza City, Gaza [Khames Alrefi/Anadolu]

“For now, the focus will be moving rubble and rebuilding; not on the fact that half of Gaza remains off-limits to all Palestinians apart from collaborators and the other half remains under occupation,” he told Al Jazeera from Washington.

However, while lawmakers – wary of US pressure and, for some, their own country’s potential complicity in Israel’s genocide – may be eager for a return to pre-war detente, among the public, especially the young, two years of carnage in Gaza have produced a seismic shift.

“Public attitudes have changed,” Levy said. “More and more people are refusing to accept the story that ‘everything is fine’ or that government complicity in systemic violence and atrocities is acceptable.

“The reality on the ground – Israel’s ongoing dehumanisation of Palestinians, its structural violence, and harsh occupation – gives people plenty of reason to speak out.”

However, for the remaining population of Gaza, still suffering from hunger and Israeli attacks, the implications of any international rehabilitation of Israel carries far more immediate consequences.

“People will move on, not just in Israel, but for the many states who weren’t too concerned about the genocide or want to avoid questions over their complicity in it,” Shalev said.

Apple to increase Chinese investments amid US-China trade tension

Apple has pledged to increase its investment in China as tensions between Washington and Beijing rage on.

CEO Tim Cook said on Wednesday that the tech giant told China’s industry minister, Li Lecheng, the iPhone maker will keep investing in China, according to an official summary of their meeting in Beijing released by the Chinese government.

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The report gave no details of the size of the potential investment.

Many US companies have become cautious about relations with China as the world’s two biggest economies clash over tariffs and as United States President Donald Trump seeks to promote manufacturing in the US rather than elsewhere.

The California-based company, which has also made investment pledges to Washington, DC, has so far remained relatively unscathed by the trade war between the US and China. Other companies, such as Nvidia and Qualcomm, have found themselves the target of Chinese investigations.

Washington has long placed sanctions on Chinese companies, such as Huawei.

A Shanghai-based government affairs consultant, who requested anonymity because he was not authorised to speak with the media, said US companies are wary of angering a White House that could hurt them at home in the world’s biggest consumer market for appearing too pro-China, the Reuters news agency reported.

At the same time, they are seeking to avoid appearing insincere in Beijing, where they have pledged to be “in China, for China”, he added.

In August, Cook presented Trump with a custom US-made plaque mounted on a 24-carat gold stand commemorating Apple’s “American Manufacturing Program”, after saying it would invest an additional $100bn in domestic manufacturing.

“This may place Apple in the crosshairs of President Trump and his policies, but given Apple’s operations, it is possible that this move was pre-approved by the administration. These vague announcements may also be purely a public relations tactic rather than anything meaningful, given that tangible investments were never presented to the public,” Babak Hafezi, chief executive officer at Hafezi Capital, an international consulting firm, told Al Jazeera.

When Cook visited China in March, Apple made public its plans for a new clean energy fund there worth $101m (720 million yuan).

Meanwhile, Apple, which relies on suppliers and factories in China where most of its iPhones are assembled, has been trying to shift some manufacturing capacity to India.

“India was a tactic to diversify its supply chain production, increase redundancy, and mitigate geopolitical risk,” Hafezi said.

Apple’s COO Sabih Khan on Tuesday visited Lens Technology, a Chinese glass supplier for Apple, the Changsha-based company said in a statement on Wednesday.

Lens Technology produces glass covers for Apple products, including the iPhone and Apple Watch, and has been a partner for 19 years, it said.

China hopes Apple will continue to explore the Chinese market and grow together with Chinese suppliers, Industry Minister Li Lecheng, who is also in charge of infotech, told Cook, adding that China would continue to foster a good business environment for foreign companies, including Apple.

Growth in China

Apple’s shipments in China grew 0.6 percent from a year earlier to 10.8 million units in the third quarter against the backdrop of sluggish demand in China’s smartphone market, according to data research firm IDC on Wednesday.

Boosted by the iPhone 17 series, it was the only brand among China’s three biggest vendors to achieve growth in shipments during the period.

As part of his visit to China this week, Cook visited Apple’s store in Shanghai and met Chinese game developers and the designer of the popular Labubu dolls, he said in posts on China’s X-like Weibo.

On Monday, he said the iPhone Air would be available for pre-order in China after the industry ministry cleared the way for major telecom operators to support its eSIM functionality.

“The business community has always been a stabiliser of China-US relations and a promoter of pragmatic cooperation,” China’s ambassador to the US, Xie Feng, said during an event in Washington on Tuesday.

Many US companies have “chosen China” and are benefiting both countries, Xie added.

On Wall Street, Apple’s stock is trending upwards. As of 11:30am in New York (15:30 GMT), it is up by about 1 percent.

The latest comments come amid increasing tensions between Washington and Beijing this week. On Wednesday, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told reporters the US is ready to impose new tariffs over its purchase of Russian oil.