The “Buy now, pay later” schemes are booming. Are they really as risk-free as they appear, though, with more and more people using them?
Published On 28 Nov 2025

The “Buy now, pay later” schemes are booming. Are they really as risk-free as they appear, though, with more and more people using them?
Published On 28 Nov 2025

Former President Goodluck Jonathan questioned the recent coup in Guinea-Bissau, blaming Umaro Embalo’s decision to launch the military takeover.
He claims that the West African nation’s recent events were a “ceremonial” coup.
READ MORE:  , Why I Brought Back to Nigeria From Guinea-Bissau on an Ivory Aircraft.
I wouldn’t refer to Guinea-Bissau as a coup because of what transpired. Not a coup, really. For lack of a better word, I would say it was a ceremonial coup because President Embalo was in charge of the event when the militaryman spoke to the assembled world.
Embalo had already announced the coup, which is odd because Embalo was announcing the coup and was speaking to media outlets all over the world while the coup took place, he claimed in an interview posted on YouTube by Symfoni on Friday.

As a person who believes in democracy, the former governor of Guinea-Bissau claimed that the events there were quite upsetting.
I’m a Nigerian who is close to 70 years old and familiar with the system’s procedures for holding heads of state in a coup. I recently served as an [an] ECOWAS mediator in Mali, and we experienced a military coup that followed.
The president who is currently in power will not be permitted to address press conferences and announce that he has been arrested because the military doesn’t take over governments. Who is being deceived?
I actually feel more pained than when I called [the former president Muhammadu] Buhari to congratulate him after I lost the election as president.
Jonathan demanded the results be made public and described the peaceful elections in Guinea-Bissau.
“The elections took place peacefully. We were field-going. The West African Elders Forum included me. We didn’t use observation teams to cover what we observed in the south, the capital, and the nearby settlements because we are typically not core observers.
Nobody, however, gave anything different during the meeting where all the heads of the observation missions and all the observers presented their accounts. The electoral officials’ conduct, the security, the party agents, the voters, and the peacefulness of the elections resulted in peaceful results counting at the polling stations.
One expected the results to be announced after a successful election.
“And Embalo announced that there was a coup, that they had taken control, and they had arrested him when they were almost finished, and we were all waiting for the outcome to be announced.”
“But based on what all the evidence suggests, no one has taken him into custody. He said, “I believe that ECOWAS and the AU must release that result,” and that’s my message to them.
On Wednesday, Guinea-Bissau military officers took complete control of the nation, suspending the country’s electoral process and closing its borders.
A command, which included members of the military’s various branches, took control of the nation’s leadership following the coup, according to General Denis N’Canha, the head of the presidential military office.
Despite the officers’ arrest, President Embalo left for Senegal and was expected to win the election on Sunday.

Manu Tuilagi, who won 60 caps for England before leaving for France and graduating from eligibility in 2024, says he might try to play for Samoa in the upcoming Rugby World Cup.
Three years after his final England cap, Tuilagi, who was born in Samoa but moved to the UK at the age of 13, would be eligible to re-establish his country of origin under World Rugby’s birthright rule in March 2027.
After defeating Belgium in a play-off earlier this month, Samoa won the final group to qualify for the 2027 World Cup in Australia.
“If you go to a World Cup, you go to win it and to give your best,” he said. Not just so I can promise to win another World Cup.
I don’t know because I’ll turn 36 when that is. We’ll see. “
It’s amazing how close Samoa are to defeating us in 2023, Manu said.
It’s difficult to see, they say.
My five brothers have played for Samoa, and they might say, “Go, get on the flight!”
Tuilagi’s run of fitness, which he rarely duplicated while he was in England, was 20 league games in Bayonne’s last season-long Top 14 play-off semi-finals.
He believes a change of scenery has prevented longer layoffs despite the fact that he is currently out of action with a hand injury.
He made fun of the sun and red wine, or something similar.
Over there, perhaps not as intense, is what the saying goes.
We will still be up at 6-7 kilometers of running during the session because it’s long on Tuesday, our big day.

The Stade Jean Dauger atmosphere is one of its many uncomfortably relaxed aspects. In their previous campaign, Bayonne attracted an average regular-season attendance of 16 445, breaking a club record.
“I heard that Bayonne had been chosen as the best place to watch rugby,” Tuilagi said before going.
The first home game, in which I experienced it, caused me to consider the atmosphere to be almost as though I were playing club rugby.
Although there are not the same number of people, “wow, they make it so big.”

East Timor – Lospalos has a quiet afternoon.
Just the clucking of chickens, the grunt of a pig and in the distance, a transistor radio playing Portuguese reggaeton, a typical small-town soundtrack in this country of 1.4 million people situated in the Timor Sea between Indonesia and Australia’s northern territories.
list of 4 itemsend of list
Berta dos Santos recalled the brutal attack on Lospalos’s tranquility in December 1975 in her home’s living room.
“They came down by parachute and started shooting”, dos Santos told Al Jazeera, recounting the attack on the rural town located some 210km (130 miles) east of the capital, Dili.
Dos Santos was a young girl, but she and other people hid in the nearby mountains. The invading Indonesian forces were determined to find them – especially the women and girls.
She recalled how Indonesian soldiers brutally raped her when she was just nine years old and how the army searched for her in the bush, captured her, and then took us back.
Her mother, Helena, was dragged away and forced into sexual slavery.
Dos Santos, her mother, and many others were just the start of Indonesia’s brutal 24-year occupation of East Timor, which was also marked by the crimes committed in Lospalos.
What followed was violent military rule typified by massacres and the forced starvation of civilians, sexual violence and the torture, imprisonment and execution of those who resisted Indonesia’s occupation.
More than 300 years ago, East Timor was a Portuguese colony in Southeast Asia.
A coup in 1974 backed by left-wing forces in Lisbon was the impetus that started Portugal’s process of decolonisation and retreat from its overseas territories, with East Timor declaring independence on November 28, 1975. The Timorese would only be able to celebrate their freedom briefly.
Under the pretext of fighting communism and backed by the United States, neighbouring Indonesia invaded the tiny half-island just over a week after independence was declared, Jakarta’s forces quickly captured East Timor’s capital, Dili, on December 7.
Some of East Timorese’s emerging leaders, like the current president Jose Ramos-Horta, fled when the invasion occurred, and would continue to campaign abroad for years while keeping the world’s attention on the plight of the Timorese people.
Others fled into the mountainous jungles to embark on a decades-long armed resistance.
Major-General Americo Ximenes, also known as Sabika Besi Kulit, who translated as “Metal Skin,” was one of them.
Ximenes now lives on the outskirts of Dili in a house provided through a veterans ‘ pension. He is rarely seen in public and, after years of military action, has always viewed him as a national hero in East Timor.

The 72-year-old was originally part of East Timor’s Portuguese-run armed forces before independence. He joined the resistance after Indonesia’s invasion in 1975 and fought alongside the Indonesians for almost 25 years as a leader in FALINTIL (the Armed Forces for the National Liberation of East Timor).
Isolated from any outside assistance in the mountainous and jungle interior, and faced with the firepower of the US-backed Indonesian army, Ximenes said it was a struggle just to keep resisting.
He remarked that “we had to find our own weapons to fight, even to get food,” describing how FALINTIL fighters relied on Indonesian soldiers’ bodies when they were in battle.
“If you have 10 or 20 guns, you’ve got to figure out how to use the guns to capture more guns”, he said, describing how fighters in his platoon would run to pick up not only weapons but “boots, food, ammunition and clothing” from slain Indonesian soldiers.
He kills his target as he shoots. There’s another soldier behind him without guns. He claims that he is the one who runs away with the equipment as soon as he shoots.
“All this action would take only two or three minutes. One kill is made of every shot and bullet. And by the three minutes, there will be a ceasefire, and we will collect what we need to collect and disappear”, he said.
Due to his ability to survive numerous encounters with Indonesian forces, “Metal Skin,” as he was known at the time, would not see his family for 24 years. He told Al Jazeera how the 1980s were a particularly difficult decade, when there was no international media attention and East Timor had no contact with the outside world.
The political party’s political leadership, which included FALINTIL, would only send one letter a year to him and his fighters alone in the jungle.
It was during the 1980s that much of East Timor’s civilian population was forcibly displaced and starved, an estimated 200, 000 people died, almost a third of the population, in what is widely considered a genocide.

Based in the mountains, Ximenes told how he and his fighters would hear of atrocities perpetrated against civilians, especially those inflicted against local women. The revolts resisted many in FALINTIL, including the civilian villagers who relyed on the resistance for food, supplies, and information about Indonesian troop movements, rather than instill fear.
“More villagers were willing to help us because of the atrocities against women”, he said. Despite the murder and torture, “more Timorese villagers would like to support us, protect us, feed us, and share information”” were reported.
After more than two decades of occupation and armed resistance, political advocacy by supporters abroad, and under pressure from the international community, the Indonesian government eventually agreed to hold a referendum to determine the first steps towards East Timor’s independence.
In 1999, a national vote was held under the auspices of the UN, and despite widespread hostilities and intimidation from the Indonesian army and local armed groups, 78.5% of East Timores voters cast ballots in favor of independence.
By 2002, the long and bloody road to nationhood was complete.
Although East Timor finally gained its independence, Indonesia’s occupation continues to have a profound impact on society.
Kristina Siti was not a typical child growing up in Lospalos.
She was teased mercilessly by other children and shunned by adults because of her origins.
They viewed me as an unmarried child, an Indonesian child, and a child without a father. Some neighbours and even relatives wouldn’t let their children play with me”, Siti said.
Siti’s father served in the Indonesian army. Siti’s mother had been forced into a relationship with the soldier in order to protect her brothers, who had fled to the jungle to join the resistance.
The now 43-year-old woman told Al Jazeera, “My mother was forced to marry an Indonesian army commander to protect her family.”
“When I was two years old, my father left East Timor and went back to Indonesia. She said, “We never heard from him again, and he never came back.”
Siti’s mother would later marry a local Timorese man, yet the horror continued. At just two weeks old, Siti described the forced adoption of a half-sister from her mother’s second marriage by an Indonesian soldier.
“My mother suffered a lot during the occupation. She was resilient, Siti said, but she also suffered during that difficult time.
“There are several women who suffered the same fate as my mother”, she said.
“And they also have children my age, some younger than me, and some older.” In almost every village, there are women who fell victim to the Indonesian occupation for various reasons”, she added.

The exact number of women who were subjected to sexual and other forms of violence under Indonesian occupation remains unknown, and few of the Indonesian soldiers and commanders who committed human rights abuses during the occupation have ever been brought to justice.
No one from Timor has ever fought alongside them, leading armed groups to terrorize their own citizens and destroying the nation before escaping to West Timor following the 1999 referendum that eventually led to its independence.
Hugo Fernandes, the director of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (known by the Portuguese acronym CAVR), described East Timor in 1999 after the rampages by Indonesia’s local collaborators as the nation’s “Year Zero”.
“People were still mourning the victims of the infrastructure fires that nearly 90 percent of the country had destroyed. A lot of mass atrocities happened”, he said.
A 2, 500-page report on the human rights violations committed during the occupation was released in 2005 by CAVR. While the truth and reconciliation process brought a form of healing for many, Fernandes told Al Jazeera that one of the key unresolved aspects of the decades-long occupation remains bringing perpetrators to justice.

While some people “still demand justice,” while Ramos-Horta, the country’s current president, and Xanana Gusmao, its prime minister, “definitely prefer to talk about reconciliation.”
Even efforts within Indonesia to bring perpetrators to justice for crimes in East Timor have been stymied by a “lack of political will” and the fact that some perpetrators are considered “national heroes” among Indonesians, according to Human Rights Watch.
18 people were brought before an “ad hoc” court in Indonesia in 2001 to investigate human rights violations in East Timor, and only one conviction was made: that of Eurico Guterres, a pro-Indonesian militia leader.
But demands for justice have reached the highest level of the Indonesian government, including the current President Prabowo Subianto. Subianto, a former Kopassus special forces commander in East Timor, is the subject of allegations of severe human rights violations.
Subianto has strenuously denied his involvement in such abuses, including a massacre in 1983 that led to an area in East Timor being referred to as “Valley of Widows” after more than 200 local men were killed there.
Fernandes claimed for Al Jazeera that the current East Timor government prioritizes maintaining a positive relationship with Indonesia despite the country’s history of violence.
“A good relationship with Indonesia is important, more important than anything”, Fernandes said.
Jakarta recently supported Dili’s successful application for membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which is Indonesia’s most significant trading partner.
![An abandoned United Nations vehicle in the town of Lospalos, East Timor. The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) operated from October 1999 to May 2002, with a mandate to administer the country, maintain security, provide humanitarian assistance, help with institution-building, and oversee the transition to full independence [Ali MC/Al Jazeera]](https://i0.wp.com/www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/ET-Past-Ali-MC-6-1763621557.jpg?w=696&ssl=1)
For those with still vivid memories of Indonesian rule, differing views on justice prevail.
Kristina Siti claimed to not be seeking justice for what transpired during the occupation.
“What our family experienced was only a small part of the consequences of the war”, she said.
She told Al Jazeera, “Many people suffered far more than I did.”
“Some died in the war, some were separated from their wives and children, some had their children taken to Indonesia, and some disappeared without a trace”, she said.
Justice must begin at home, according to Major-General Ximenes.
He told Al Jazeera that he was deeply disappointed with the direction his country has taken and condemned politicians who “steal from the people”.
He said that only those who have fought in the jungle have empathy for one another.
While Berta Dos Santos suffered more than most at the hands of Indonesian troops while still a very young girl, she said justice involves “healing and reconciliation”.
Dos Santos remarked, “I have long ago let go of my pain, anger, resentment, and bitterness.”
“The joy that independence has brought is worth more than my pain and anger and bitterness”, she added.


In Philadelphia, the Chicago Bears won with a score of 24-15, cementing their position at the top of the NFC North standings.
With D’Andre Swift and Kyle Monangai both running for more than 100 yards and each resulting in a touchdown, their running backs were a key to success against the Eagles.
Midway through the fourth quarter, Caleb Williams found tight end Cole Kmet with a 28-yard touchdown pass.
The Bears’ record improved to 9-3 after Green Bay won by 8-3 on Thursday over division rivals Detroit (7-5).
In two of their next three games, which will take place on Sunday, December 7, Chicago travels to Lambeau Field.
Meanwhile, as a disjointed performance fell to a second successive defeat, the Eagles received boos from a section of their home supporters.
Chicago’s first-half superiority was not quite reflected in a score of 10-3 at half-time.
Philadelphia struggled early on and only managed 83 yards of total offense in the first half, which gave them a 21-0 lead in the loss to Dallas on Sunday.
In the third quarter, home quarterback Jalen Hurts turned the ball over twice, including a 33-yard touchdown pass to AJ Brown, which had reduced the Eagles’ single-point deficit. Hurts’ only interception was his second of the year.
Nahshon Wright forced and recovered that crucial fumble. It occurred shortly after Jalyx Hunt had intercepted Williams, and Philadelphia was poised to take the lead for the first time, deep inside Chicago territory.


The Chicago Bears won 24-15 in Philadelphia to strengthen their position at the top of a competitive NFC North table.
Their running backs provided the foundation for success against the Eagles, with D’Andre Swift and Kyle Monangai both rushing for more than 100 yards and each scoring a touchdown.
Caleb Williams found tight end Cole Kmet with a 28-yard touchdown pass midway through the fourth quarter to secure victory.
A win for Green Bay (8-3-1) over divisional rivals Detroit (7-5) on Thursday had tightened the gap to Chicago, but the Bears’ fifth consecutive victory improved their record to 9-3.
Chicago face the Packers in two of their next three fixtures, starting with a trip to Lambeau Field on Sunday, 7 December.
The Eagles, meanwhile, were subjected to boos by a section of their home supporters as they put in a disjointed performance to slip to a second successive defeat.
A 10-3 scoreline at half-time did not quite do justice to Chicago’s first-half superiority.
Philadelphia, who squandered a 21-0 lead in their defeat by Dallas on Sunday, struggled on both sides of the ball early on and managed only 83 yards of total offence in the first half.
Home quarterback Jalen Hurts turned the ball over twice in the third quarter – an interception, only his second of the season, and a fumble sandwiching a 33-yard touchdown pass to AJ Brown which had reduced the Eagles’ deficit to a single point.
That fumble, forced and recovered by Nahshon Wright, proved pivotal. It came shortly after Williams had been intercepted by Jalyx Hunt and with Philadelphia, deep in Chicago territory, poised to go in front for the first time.
