Is the fall of Pokrovsk, Ukraine’s key eastern stronghold, inevitable?

But in recent weeks, tens of thousands of Russian soldiers have been storming the town around the clock, taking over the streets where buildings are mostly reduced to bombed-out, deserted ruins.

They use reconnaissance drones and satellite images to identify gaps in Ukrainian defences and use tiny groups of soldiers who are attacked and killed in droves by Ukrainian drones.

But the surviving soldiers grind forward, targeting drone operators and engaging them in close combat, blazing the trail for larger groups of servicemen.

They are backed by Russian artillery, drones and glide bombs that destroy even the deepest and most fortified bunkers.

The town is “a layer cake of passages, spots under fire, our and enemy positions”, Kirill Sazonov, a Ukrainian political scientist-turned-serviceman, wrote on Telegram on Thursday.

“Somebody is sitting on a third floor, someone’s in a house next door, someone’s in the basement,” he wrote. “There’s no front line, sectors under [Russian or Ukrainian] control or logic.”

He’s confident that Ukrainian forces won’t leave Pokrovsk because Kyiv wants to defend it by any means necessary – and the open fields outside it are “less comfortable than the town’s basements”.

Moscow wants to spur Pokrovsk’s takeover because of worsening weather, muddy roads and a lack of tree foliage that makes troop movements more detectable.

But any predictions about Pokrovsk’s future can only be made “by an idiot, a cynic or a tarot cards reader”, Sazonov wrote.

Members of the White Angel police unit, which evacuates people from front-line towns and villages, check an area for residents in Pokrovsk on May 21, 2025 [Anatolii Stepanov/Reuters]

Is the takeover imminent?

Other analysts disagreed with Sazonov’s assessment that Ukraine will hold its position.

Ukrainian forces “have so few soldiers on the front line that it was possible to contain Russia’s advance only while the Russians were in the fields” around Pokrovsk, Nikolay Mitrokhin, a researcher with Germany’s Bremen University, told Al Jazeera.

As soon as Russian soldiers infiltrated the town, they met next to no resistance because Ukrainians are so few and their drones are less effective among buildings, he said.

“The town’s takeover is a matter of time,” Mitrokhin, who has written hundreds of authoritative analyses of the hostilities since Russia began its full-scale invasion in 2022, told Al Jazeera.

Kyiv may have to make the uneasy decision to pull the remaining forces out of Pokrovsk or risk having them encircled, he said.

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(Al Jazeera)

Why does Russia want Pokrovsk so badly?

Moscow wants to use the town as a springboard for the takeover of the Kyiv-controlled part of Donbas, a key rustbelt region whose annexation Russia declared unilaterally in September 2022.

Kyiv still controls one-third of Donbas, and Pokrovsk’s fall will pave the way for the takeover of other parts of Ukraine’s “belt of strongholds” that have been fortified since 2014.

The town’s commanding heights will also let Russian forces use swarms of drones to back their advance westwards to the Dnipro region.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy visited the town in late October to encourage the troops, but even his staunchest supporters lambasted him and his top brass for allowing Russian forces to infiltrate Pokrovsk and smaller towns nearby.

“The president takes the risk by coming to support the troops, but systemic problems of managing the troops are not being solved, and we keep losing town after town,” lawmaker Mariana Bazuhla wrote on Facebook on Tuesday.

Pokrovsk’s fall would be a major propaganda triumph for Moscow even though the victory will have cost tens of thousands of lives.

Pokrovsk
Ukrainian soldiers prepare to fire artillery in the direction of Pokrovsk, Ukraine, on September 9, 2025 [Diego Herrera Carcedo/Anadolu via Getty Images]

How will peace talks be affected?

For Russia, the takeover of Pokrovsk would mean that the front-line is “unstable” and Moscow would try to persuade Washington, where United States President Donald Trump has been pushing for peace talks for months, that this insistence on a ceasefire makes no sense, according to Volodymyr Fesenko, head of the Kyiv-based Penta think tank.

Washington and Kyiv want to suspend hostilities along the current front line, which stretches more than 1,000km (620 miles), and begin negotiations on who will hold what territory after that.

The Kremlin’s rationale is that “Russian forces are expanding the zone of their control and that Ukraine will have to unilaterally cede land”, Fesenko told Al Jazeera.

“The peace settlement will be paused for several weeks or even months,” he said.

The Washington-brokered peace talks have been stalled for months and are not likely to be resumed after Trump cancelled his summit with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, which had been expected to be held in Budapest.

Meanwhile, the Kremlin keeps coming up with new demands, such as Ukraine maintaining a neutral status, limitations of its military and recognition of Russia’s annexation of four Ukrainian regions.

Putin also wants the West to lift all sanctions slapped on Russia since it annexed Crimea in 2014 and the recognition of Russian as the second official language in Ukraine.

However, the possible loss of Pokrovsk won’t affect the fighting spirit of Ukrainian troops.

“This isn’t the first town in Donbas Ukrainian forces have to leave. I don’t think it will cardinally affect the morale,” Fesenko said.

What are the economic consequences if Pokrovsk falls to Russia?

Pokrovsk is a major centre for Ukraine’s coal mining industry, and large metallurgical plants in central Ukraine depend on the coking coal it produces.

It is also home to almost a dozen Soviet-era plants although these have suspended work because of the hostilities.

The town’s takeover could boost the Kremlin’s recent efforts to modify the plants of Donbas for production of weaponry and military-related items, according to Pavel Lisyansky, head of the Strategic Research and Security Institute, a Kyiv-based think tank

“They militarise the economy,” he told Al Jazeera, adding that Moscow aims to turn the region into “a huge military base to frighten Europe”.

Pokrovsk also sits at the intersection of several strategic highways and railroads.

After Pokrovsk, Moscow will push to retake Sloviansk, the first Ukrainian town seized by Moscow-backed separatists in 2014.

Ed Sheeran’s mind-blowing donation to help his old school

The chart-topper runs a charity to promote music and learning and it has been handing cash to the school for several years, including a £1m gift. His Music Foundation has handed over another £280,000 to Thomas Mills High School in Framlingham, Suffolk.

Caring Ed Sheeran splashed out hundreds of thousands of pounds last year to pay for vital work at his old school. The chart-topper runs a charity to promote music and learning and it has been handing cash to the school for several years, including a £1m gift.

And the Ed Sheeran Suffolk Music Foundation has handed over another £280,000 to his former seat of learning. He attended Thomas Mills High School in Framlingham, Suffolk, and has vowed to help others with his earnings.

A report attached to his good cause’s annual accounts revealed: “Further grants were given to Thomas Mills High School, to continue to provide students and teachers with top class learning resources. The main focus of this year’s increased grant has been the refurbishment of the changing rooms.”

Both areas were re-designed and re-fitted improving the accessibility, increasing practical space and rebuilding shower and changing areas. That has created a “variety of options for users”.

New lighting and repairs to the heating and ventilation systems have brought the two areas up to “a higher standard generally”, the report adds.

Money was also invested in upgrades to the Music department Mac suite, described as “an immensely important asset to the department and school”.

The charity annual accounts add: “Art department continues to thrive and as a result of the grant has been able to continue trips and events otherwise not available, offering exceptional artistic opportunities to our pupils.

“The ambition of the staff is wonderfully demonstrated by making use of a local art gallery to display this year’s exam work, both for moderation and public display, thus truly involving the school within the local community.”

His charity also donated £35,000 to a music trust that brings the arts into schools and old people’s homes in the area. Sheeran revealed that he had given up booze and cigarettes for good in a US interview earlier this year.

His previous donations included the £1 million gift to fund the art department and grants for equipment like cameras, and soundproofing, which helped the school upgrade its IT, music, and art facilities.

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Sheeran has also been a vocal advocate for better music education funding in all schools across the UK.

Iraq’s PM al-Sudani may win the elections, but lose his post

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani is bidding for a second term, a goal that requires his electoral bloc, the Construction and Development Coalition, to win a commanding number of seats in the November 11 parliamentary elections and back his selection for the role.

Al-Sudani’s campaign is built on his government’s successes in improving services, maintaining balanced relations between Tehran and Washington, and steering Iraq clear of regional conflict since October 7, 2023.

However, while analysts predict al-Sudani’s coalition may win the highest number of seats, it may well disintegrate after the election results are announced.

A broad, not unified, coalition

Al-Sudani’s coalition, announced in May 2025, includes seven political forces.

The most prominent are Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) Chairman Faleh al-Fayyad; Minister of Labour Ahmed al-Asadi; and Karbala Governor Nassif al-Khattabi.

It also includes influential tribal leaders (sheikhs) and some 53 incumbent MPs, most of whom won as independents in 2021 or defected from parties within the Shia Coordination Framework (SCF), the main Shia parliamentary bloc that nominated al-Sudani four years ago.

The coalition also contains the Al-Furratain Current, the party al-Sudani founded after resigning from the Dawa Party following the 2019 Tishreen protests. However, his is the smallest faction in this broad alliance.

Local observers in central and southern Iraq note that al-Sudani’s success in getting other candidates to run with him masks the weakness of Al-Furratain and may actually be the driver of his coalition’s post-election collapse.

The coalition’s tickets are dominated by the tribal sheikhs and other candidates, while Al-Furratain’s cadres, those closest and most loyal to al-Sudani, are the least likely to win seats.

These partners are happy to leverage the prime minister’s current power to further their own popularity, but past elections indicate that their loyalty will be transactional and is not expected to outlast his full prime ministerial authority.

Take al-Fayyad, who al-Sudani protected when Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH), an SCF party led by Qais al-Khazali, pushed a law that would have forced him into retirement to make way for AAH to rise to more power in the PMF.

When al-Sudani becomes a caretaker prime minister after the election and SCF rivals resume their push to remove al-Fayyad, he will seek new alliances to protect himself.

The tribal sheikhs and MPs use being on al-Sudani’s list to leverage state resources to deliver services in their electoral districts and fast-track government approvals for their constituents.

MP Dhiaa Hindi, a Sudani candidate in Karbala, boasts on Facebook of processing 16,000 official transactions during his three nd a half years in parliament.

These same MPs may well jump ship when rival blocs, intent on blocking al-Sudani’s second term, offer them financial incentives and influence in the next government.

Former Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi tried building a loyal bloc to secure a second term by supporting independent candidates in the 2021 elections, hoping that loyal MPs would strengthen his negotiating position.

“Twenty-three of those we supported won,” recalled a senior official who served in al-Kadhimi’s office, speaking on condition of anonymity.

“But … when we needed their votes as a bloc to support Kadhimi’s nomination during the government formation talks, they all abandoned [him]. They demanded huge sums of money, luxury cars, and government staff for their personal service. We couldn’t provide these things, even if we wanted to; we were a caretaker government with no legal authority.”

As a soon-to-be caretaker PM, al-Sudani likely has al-Kadhimi’s experience top of mind.

‘Construction’

The coalition’s “Construction and Development” rhetoric, symbolised by its construction crane logo, centres on al-Sudani’s performance in delivering services.

However, most projects are concentrated in Baghdad, while provincial allocations have decreased significantly.

This is a high-risk political calculation on al-Sudani’s part, a strategy Iraqi political analysts interpret as trying to build a visible legacy in the capital, which holds 69 of parliament’s 329 seats and where he is running as a candidate.

According to parliamentary finance committee documents, funds allocated to local governments shrank by 60 percent, from 8.783 trillion dinars ($6.7bn) in previous years to 2.767 trillion ($2.1bn) in 2024 – the federal government holding most of that money to spend in Baghdad.

“What should have been spent on infrastructure, schools, and hospitals in the provinces was spent on roads and bridges in Baghdad,” said MP Adnan al-Zurfi, parliamentary finance committee member for the past 8 years.

Najaf Governor Yousef Kannawi noted that only 60 billion of the 500 billion dinars allocated to his province had arrived.

A Ministry of Finance document from the first half of 2025 shows projects in Baghdad received 822 billion dinars ($629m), while the rest of the central and southern provinces, the main electoral base for Shia parties, received only 600 billion dinars ($459m) combined.

The notable exception is Karbala, whose Governor al-Khattabi is in al-Sudani’s coalition and received 318 billion dinars ($243m), separate from other governorates.

These sidelined southern provinces that are paying for al-Sudani’s electoral strategy are traditional strongholds for the SCF.

What comes next for al-Sudani?

In a televised interview on Saturday, AAH’s al-Khazali said a second term for al-Sudani would be “the decision of the Coordination Framework [SCF]”, emphasising that the post is subject to the “Shia consensus”.

He was referring to the Muhasasa system, in place since the first elected government in 2006, that grants Shia parties the right to name the prime minister, while Kurds name the president and Sunni the speaker of parliament.

Nouri al-Maliki, former prime minister and leader of the State of Law coalition, echoed this in a separate interview, saying becoming prime minister “is not related to the number of seats won”.

These statements are a response to al-Sudani’s attempts to build an independent power base, which SCF leaders like al-Maliki and al-Khazali see as their appointee trying to challenge their long-term control of Shia politics.

This view was aired by al-Khazali as far back as 2022, when he publicly stated that the prime minister is merely a “director-general”- an administrative, apolitical role. The PM, he insisted, “should not monopolise state decisions … He must return to the Framework for all decisions, whether political, security, or economic.”

They are publicly reminding him, and his new allies, that he is dispensable and that the path to a second term runs through, not around, them.

This puts al-Sudani in a bind, with his second term depending on navigating two challenges: First, holding his fragile electoral bloc together and, second, undertaking post-election negotiations with Shia rivals who are already signalling he is dispensable.

Al-Sudani at his coalition’s rally before the elections, in Mosul, on October 18, 2025 [Hadi Mizban/AP]

Millie Mackintosh’s Boden fair isle knit is ‘selling like hot cakes’ as we head into winter

Millie Mackintosh has found the perfect knit to see you through winter, with fans racing to snap up her fair isle jumper before the ‘thick and cosy’ knit sells out

We can always count on Millie Mackintosh to put together a chic, practical and easy-to-wear outfit, and her latest look is no exception. The mum of two knows how important it is to find pieces that are easy to throw on to keep in your wardrobe for those busy days when you still want to look put together, and her new Boden knit is the perfect example.

Millie recently included the Eleanor Fair Isle Jumper as one of her “looks I’ve been wearing on repeat this autumn”, and it’s not hard to see why. The colourful knit is fun, timeless, warm, and easy to pair with anything, making it a great item to keep in your wardrobe.

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Although you could easily throw it on with some jeans and a pair of trainers for colder or more casual days, Millie showed how easy the knit is to dress up, too. She paired her £129 Eleanor Fair Isle Jumper with a satin midi skirt and a pair of knee high boots, completing the look with some sunglasses and a slouchy shoulder bag.

The jumper’s bold print brought a splash of colour to the otherwise neutral outfit, with Millie opting for the pale blue colourway which has pops of pink, green and orange in the fair isle pattern. However the jumper does also come in dark green with hints of turquoise and purple, or navy with red and white patterns for a slightly more festive feel.

If you prefer a more neutral colour combination, The White Company’s Blurred Fair Isle Jumper With Alpaca comes in a beige and cream colour combo, with a similar price tag of £120. If you’re looking for some that are a little more budget-friendly – we are approaching Christmas, after all – the Per Una Embellished Fair Isle Jumper with Wool is on sale at M&S, down from £55 to £44.

Alternatively, House of Bruar’s Ladies Lambswool Icelandic Crew jumper is also on sale, reduced from £79.95 to £59.95, with a choice of three colours. For something that could double as a chic nod to a Christmas jumper, Fat Face’s £45 Noelle Navy Fairisle Knitted Crew Neck Jumper is perfect, with the fair isle print made up of presents, Christmas trees and stars.

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However Boden’s website says the Eleanor Fair Isle Jumper is currently “selling like hot cakes” online, although currently it’s still in stock in all sizes from an XS to an XL, so snap it up before it sells out. There’s currently only one review, which is a five star one saying: “I bought a size m, I’m a 12 to 14. It fits beautifully. The knit is thick and cosy. The colour is true to the photos. Can’t wait to wear when the weather gets cooler!”