Bangladesh’s capital Evercare Hospital’s offices were transformed into a depressing location for mourners on Tuesday as news spread about Khaleda Zia, the country’s long-time leader of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), who had been buried there.
Khaleda had been receiving treatment at the hospital since the night of November 23.
In front of the hospital gates, supporters, party leaders, and ordinary people quietly prayed and shed tears. According to BNP activist Riyadul Islam, “the news made it impossible for us to stay at home.” “Since there is no opportunity to see her, everyone is waiting outside. Everyone’s eyes are teary-eyed.
Tens of thousands of BNP supporters from across Bangladesh, as well as interim government leaders Muhammad Yunus, and foreign diplomats, attended her funeral on Wednesday at Dhaka’s Manik Mia Avenue, underscoring Khaleda’s legacy and how it extended far beyond Bangladesh’s borders.
But beyond the grief, Khaleda Zia’s death marks a decisive political rupture for the BNP at a critical moment, say political analysts.
The party is attempting to win the election in its absence of the party’s leader, who has remained its party’s ultimate symbol of unity despite years of illness and political inactivity, as February 12 elections are scheduled for the country.
In order to consolidate its foundation and compete in a reshaped political landscape following the upheaval and subsequent ban on the Awami League’s political activities, her passing plunges BNP into a fully post-Khaleda phase, focusing authority and accountability on her son and acting chairperson, Tarique Rahman.
absence as test, relict as anchor
Khaleda Zia’s relevance spanned formally governing for decades.
Even when absent from front-line politics, she functioned as the party’s moral centre and final authority, helping to contain factionalism and defer leadership questions.
Khaleda Zia, a representative of Bangladesh’s government, was described by Mahdi Amin, an adviser to Tarique Rahman, as a “true guardian,” as a unified symbol of sovereignty, independence, and democracy.
If elected, the BNP would continue to carry out her legacy through its policies and governance priorities.
“The hallmark of her politics was a strong parliamentary democracy – rule of law, human rights and freedom of expression”, Amin said, adding that the BNP aims to restore institutions and rights that, he claimed, were eroded during the Awami League’s 15-year rule, between 2009 and 2024, under then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Khaleda’s longtime rival.
Amin reaffirmed Tarique’s status as a unified force, citing his leadership in coordinating the opposition’s movement and developing a 31-point reform agenda to restore institutional accountability and voting rights.
Analysts claim that Khaleda’s absence removes a crucial layer of symbolic authority that has long contributed to the BNP’s internal politics despite these assertions.
Writer and political analyst Mohiuddin Ahmed said Khaleda’s personal charisma played a key role in keeping the party energised and cohesive.
He claimed that “that rhythm will be disturbed.” “Tarique Rahman now needs to demonstrate through a process how to lead.” His leadership remains untested”.
Ahmed noted that Khaleda herself was a controversial political figure before the 1980s’ popular uprising that ultimately saw General Hussain Muhammad Ershad’s ascent to power. In a failed military coup, her husband, Ziaur Rahman, was killed in 1981.
Ahmed argued that the February election could play a similar defining role for Tarique Rahman: Success would validate his leadership, while failure would intensify scrutiny.
A tougher electoral terrain
A transformed opposition landscape makes BNP’s problem even more difficult.
A quasi-binary rivalry between the Awami League and the BNP has shaped Bangladesh’s electoral politics for more than three decades. This pattern emerged after the 1990 military coup and grew stronger with subsequent elections held in the 1990s and 2000s.
With the Awami League now absent – its political activities banned by the Yunus administration – that two-party dominance has fractured, forcing BNP to compete in a more crowded field that includes a strong alliance led by the Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh’s biggest Islamist force. The National Citizen Party, which was founded by a large number of youth leaders in the wake of the July 2024 mass movement that forced Hasina to step down from power and relocate to India, is a part of the Jamaat coalition.
Ahmed claimed that “this will not be simple for BNP.” “Post-July]2024] politics has changed the equation. He continued, “There is a new polarization emerging, and the old party dominance is no longer there.”
Important questions remain that analysts can’t resolve, such as whether the election will be held on time, whether it will be peaceful, and whether major parties can win the support of the electorate.
Dilara Choudhury, a political scientist who observed both Khaleda and her husband closely, said Khaleda Zia functioned as a “guardian figure” for not just her party, but also the country, and that her death represents the loss of a senior stabilising presence in Bangladesh politics.
Tarique, Khaleda’s son, was imprisoned in the United Kingdom from 2008 until December 25, 2025, when he came back after a number of his legal proceedings, which included those brought against him by a military-backed government in power between 2006 and 2009, or by the resulting Hasina government, were dismissed.
She claimed that Tarique’s return to the nation has lessened party fears about internal division and that his most recent speeches, which have affirmed nationalism, rejected authoritarianism, and honored the victims of the uprising of 2024, have reassured party supporters about ideological continuity.
“BNP and Awami League have both been personality-centred parties”, she said. It follows that Tarique Rahman will always take up that space within the BNP, according to Khaleda Zia.
From legacy to verdict
However, BNP leaders are open to the idea that the party’s future will not be determined by its past.
Although party activists’ adviser Mahdi Amin described the allegations as being mostly exaggerated, he said the party plans to address it through stricter internal controls, extortion continues to surface.
At the grassroots level, some party members say Tarique’s leadership transition will not be without challenges.
“Statementing that there will be difficulties would be unrealistic,” said Kamal Uddin, senior joint secretary of Jubo Dal’s youth wing in Cox’s Bazar district. There were disagreements with senior leaders who had ties to Khaleda Zia and Ziaur Rahman in the past. That could be a challenge in decision-making. But I think he will be able to handle it.
On Wednesday, Khaleda Zia’s funeral was held along with three other BNP activists from Cox’s Bazar, a coastal city on the Bay of Bengal, about 350 kilometers (21 miles) south of Dhaka.
Senior BNP leaders, however, dismiss doubts over Tarique’s authority.
Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury, a member of the standing committee and Khaleda Zia’s cabinet from 2001 to 2004, claimed Tarique’s leadership credentials were already established.
Chowdhury earlier this month stated that “his leadership has been demonstrated.” “He is capable of leading the party effectively”.
Analysts say Tarique’s leadership will be tested by the party’s ability to ensure discipline, project reform, and support a peaceful election as the BNP prepares for the polls.
On social media and among political rivals, a distinct discussion has developed.
On November 29, ahead of his eventual return, Tarique wrote on his verified Facebook page that the decision to come home was not “entirely within his control” and not “under his sole control”. Critics questioned whether or not he would return, especially in light of India’s perception of the situation.
The BNP leaders refuted these claims, arguing that his return was a political and legal issue that was based on domestic circumstances rather than international negotiations, and that the party’s policy would be determined by its own interests if it were to win.
For many supporters, however, politics remains deeply personal.
Dulal Mia, age 27, who traveled from Kishoreganj, Dhaka, on December 25 to attend Tarique’s reception rally, is still fond of that experience.
He claimed that Ziaur Rahman, the then-President, had stopped by the paddy field where he was employed in 1979 and shook his hand. Ziaur Rahman is remembered for addressing drought by digging canals across the country and visiting remote areas barefoot, often without formal protocol.
Source: Aljazeera
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