Former New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, who lost the Democratic primary for mayor of New York City to Zohran Mamdani by significant margins and is now contesting as an independent, is second in the race to clinch the mayor’s title in the largest city in the United States.
Mamdani won on a message of affordability, but Cuomo has slammed his plans as extreme and not feasible. Al Jazeera did an analysis of Cuomo’s economic policies to see what he has to offer for New Yorkers.
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Housing
Cuomo – who only moved into New York City in September 2024 after living in Westchester, a suburban community north of the city – has promised to build over the next decade half a million new apartments, two-thirds of which will be “affordable”. The plan offers tax incentives to private developers to build more residential developments. It also says it will loosen zoning laws to promote office-to-residential conversions.
However, much of what he’s touting is already city policy.
New York launched an office-to-housing programme in 2020 under former Mayor Bill de Blasio, followed by reforms last year to speed up conversions under incumbent Eric Adams.
According to a report from City Comptroller Brad Lander, who also ran in the primaries but has since endorsed Mamdani, those initiatives have already produced 44 conversions. Projects finished or under way are expected to create as many as 17,400 units citywide – mostly studios and one-bedroom apartments – including one of the largest office-to-housing conversions in the country in Lower Manhattan.
Cuomo’s plan to expand housing options across the city also taps into publicly owned land, including vacant lots, to allow for development of new housing and mixed-use development – the same as both other leading candidates, Mamdani, a former State Assembly member, and Adams.
Cuomo wants to pump $2.5bn into public housing over the next five years, which would be a 75 percent increase from the city’s current funding. For housing protections, he wants to add more lawyers in the city’s housing court system to help renters with issues like tenant harassment and unlawful eviction and provide more housing vouchers to help address homelessness.
However, Cuomo’s history says otherwise. When he was governor, he pushed the state to cut funding for a rental voucher programme called Advantage. The cuts from Albany, the state capital, left City Hall no choice but to cut the programme altogether.
One of the few new ideas from Cuomo, who has been US secretary of housing and urban development in the past, is called “Zohran’s Law”, a jab at the most likely next mayor of New York. The new law would put in place income limits on those who are seeking rent-stabilised apartments across the city, which account for about half of the rental housing stock.
Cuomo said the law would not penalise those who see their incomes increase while already living in a rent-stabilised unit.
New York City’s rent-stabilisation programme was never designed with certain income levels in mind. It was intended to regulate the broader housing market and protect residents from rent price surges that market-rate apartments face in times of housing scarcity.
“I think that’s been the playbook all along, kind of pick a fight, steal an idea, deliver less ambitiously than New Yorkers really need or deserve,” Adin Lenchner, founder of the New York based political consultancy Carroll Street Campaigns told Al Jazeera.
Transit
Cuomo’s most ambitious proposal is to bring New York City’s transit system under the control of the city itself. The Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA), which oversees subways, buses and commuter railroads, has been under state jurisdiction since the agency was created in 1968. That structure gives the governor disproportionate power over the operations of the nation’s largest transit system.
Shifting control to City Hall would be a steep challenge because much of its funding comes from state-collected taxes and revenues. And even if it were to happen and Cuomo would want to increase the city’s tax rate to pay for it, he would still need a buy-in from the governor, who either accepts or denies the city’s proposed tax rate.
That funding dynamic is a key reason why Mamdani’s free-bus proposal has drawn scepticism. Implementing it would demand coalition-building and leverage in Albany, which critics have said are best used for other pressing issues like universal childcare.
As a state lawmaker, Mamdani was able to help champion a free-bus pilot programme, but expanding such an initiative citywide would be far more complicated from the mayor’s office without control of the MTA, a key weakness in the Mamdani campaign that Cuomo has tried to capitalise on.
Cuomo, on the other hand, is not pushing for free transit quite like Mamdani but has suggested he would consider some free routes. He also said he would expand access to what is called the fair fares programme, which offers discounted rates to low-income New Yorkers.
Cuomo’s push to claim city control of the MTA also comes with a fairly chequered political history.
During his time as governor, he was frequently accused of weaponising the state’s authority over transit against then-Mayor de Blasio, taking credit for successes while deflecting blame for service breakdowns onto City Hall. The tug-of-war over responsibility for transit performance has long been a point of contention between Albany and City Hall.
Cuomo does have a track record of delivering on major transportation projects. Under his watch, a subway line expanded, the long-delayed construction of another subway line began and Penn Station, one of the city’s largest transit hubs, began a substantial revitalisation. He also oversaw the rebuilding of LaGuardia Airport.
Lencher pointed out that Cuomo proudly took credit for those wins but when the city’s subway system faced widespread delays in 2017 during the construction – colloquially referred to as the summer of hell, in which there were constant equipment failures and the worst on-time performance of any mass transit system in the world – Cuomo said it was “the city’s MTA”.
Jobs
Cuomo has pitched a jobs plan that he has called the $1.5bn Five-Borough Economic Transformation Capital Fund, which would fund projects all over the city. He is also proposing an innovation hub that would give grants to start-ups and offer them tax exemptions if they can prove they can provide job growth opportunities to the city.
He is also adding a 90-day “fast-track regulatory review”, a promise to cut red tape for business development. Both of his competitors have made similar promises, but Mamdani’s is focused on the small-business economy.
Cuomo’s plan for workforce training and development programmes includes expanding existing training and apprenticeship programmes for people who want to pursue jobs in fields like healthcare.
While he has offered to promote more training programmes that would help with “preparation for jobs that don’t require a college degree”, he hasn’t offered any details about what that would be. Representatives for Cuomo did not respond to Al Jazeera’s request for more details.
Taxes
In 2021, Cuomo was behind one of the biggest tax increases on the ultrawealthy in New York state’s history. His administration raised the corporate tax rate by 0.75 percent. He also raised the taxes for those making $1m to $2m to 9.65 percent from 8.82 percent and built in two new tax brackets: For those making $5m to $25m, it was 10.3 percent, and 10.9 percent for those making more than $25m annually.
His new plan as mayor includes no tax on tips for restaurant workers and eliminating income tax for New Yorkers making at or less than 200 percent of the federal poverty level – $31,300 annually for a single-person household and $64,300 for a family of four.
For wealthy New Yorkers, he said he would increase the threshold for the mansion tax, an additional tax for a real estate transaction, to $2.5m, up from its current level of $1m.
His planned tax cuts are raising questions among experts about how he would pay for his proposals.
Unlike Mamdani, Cuomo has not provided a detailed plan on how he intends to pay for his platform, and Adams has his own existing record to point to, including increased tax collections and decreased spending.
“They [Mamdani’s campaign] always get asked how are you going to pay for it [Mamdani’s policy proposals]. Cuomo and people to the right of him don’t face that same line of questioning,” Kaivan Shroff, a New York State delegate for the Democratic National Committee and senior adviser to the Institute for Education, told Al Jazeera.
