Protesters gathered outside of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s residence on Sunday night as the Israeli government delays the completion of the second phase of the ceasefire agreement that the Israeli government and the Palestinian organization Hamas have reached.
Yes, they were upset about his unilateral extension of phase one of the agreement, as well as his delay in fully implementing it, which he brokered in January.
After Israel on Sunday blocked the entry of humanitarian aid into the enclave, their banners and slogans made no mention of the suffering of Palestinian civilians in Gaza.
As Netanyahu drags his feet, seemingly determined to avoid ending the war, the focus was on the Israeli prisoners who were left behind in Gaza.
Even though the captives continue to be in Gaza, the Israeli government’s actions on Sunday appeared to point to the end of the ceasefire and the start of an unrelenting war there.
Although negotiations for phase two continued as phase one of the ceasefire raged until Saturday, the agreement had stipulated that the terms of the truce, including the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza, would continue.
However, Israel made an announcement on Sunday that a “Witkoff plan” (referring to US Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff) would allow the other half to be released without waiting for a permanent ceasefire, essentially removing the original ceasefire agreement.
Israel reinstated its blockade of Gaza by utilizing the opportunity provided by the agreement, which neither the US nor Witkoff have independently confirmed.
The aid blockade, according to the UNICEF, had “devastating consequences” for the families and children in Gaza, which had been battling for 16 months.  ,
Regardless of who was enforcing the Geneva Conventions, Professor Gerry Simpson of the London School of Economics explained to Al Jazeera that collective punishment is prohibited by the Geneva Conventions.
The fact that it is being used as a form of punishment suggests a certain disregard for the laws of war, he said.
The Israeli government is considering approving a bill that would allow it to call up 400 000 of its reserve soldiers in advance of a new conflict in Gaza, in addition to the suspension of aid.
300, 000 reserve soldiers were called up following Israel’s attack on October 7, 2023, making it the largest mobilization ever to take place in Israel.
angry families
Former Israeli ambassador and consular general of Israel in New York, Alon Pinkas, claimed it was likely to grow as the conflict got worse until it became “clear that he’s looking [Netanyahu] looking for a pretext to break the ceasefire and thus condemn hostages to death” (allocution).
The fate of the roughly 251 captives taken hostage by the attack on October 7 has been Israel’s prime minister’s subject in public discourse.
However, recent weeks have increased the voices of their families, who frequently criticize Netanyahu, as a result of the media coverage of images of captives returning to their homes.
The captives’ families led by the protesters outside of Netanyahu’s home on Sunday night, and they vowed to hold the prime minister accountable for the ceasefire agreement’s impasse.
At a press conference earlier that day, Lishay Miran-Lavi, whose husband Omri Miran is still living in Gaza, refuted claims made by some members of Israel’s cabinet, including Netanyahu, that no agreement will be possible while Hamas is still in existence, telling reporters: “Hostages immediately, Hamas later.”
There’s a chance that Netanyahu, who is aware that he doesn’t currently have a monopoly over the narrative, will come under increased scrutiny from the hostages’ families, who have a lot of public support, because of this delay, according to Israeli political analyst Ori Goldberg.
According to Goldberg, the current impasse may be confined to the duration of the conflict, among other factors that are directly related to Netanyahu’s political survival.
bad faith
Netanyahu’s support for the ceasefire agreement is not new. The prime minister has made hints since the ceasefire’s inception to placate its critics and to reassure the captives’ families and supporters while also using the ceasefire’s existence to appoint his own.
Netanyahu and his hardline finance minister Bezalel Smotrich negotiated a cease-fire deal with Hamas in January, but Netanyahu chose to stay in the cabinet and not resign. He is now negotiating with far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, who is upset about the prospect of a deal.
Apparently, Netanyahu reportedly assured the finance minister that the “temporary” truce was temporary and that military operations in Gaza would resume once the “temporary” truce was over.
The second stage was supposed to include discussions about a permanent ceasefire.
Analyst Nimrod Flashenberg said from Tel Aviv, “People don’t really trust Netanyahu.” We really don’t know what will happen next, according to the spokesperson for the group that “many people doubted the ceasefire would start.” The administration of US President Donald Trump has a significant impact on that.
For many observers, the delay in getting to the second stage of the ceasefire agreement and the ambiguity about who suggested its suspension were all typical of prime ministers who had profited from years of confusion among his critics.
Goldberg claimed that “he does this” Everyone in Israel anticipates it from him, he says. There is no justification for it politically. He has the settlers by his side, not his political rivals. Simply put, he does what he does.
These bizarre schemes are crucial to keeping the Israeli ship of state on course, he said.
