Archive December 27, 2025

Senegal, the 2022 champions of Africa, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), who had a 1-1 draw with Sadio Mane, in their heavyweight Africa Cup of Nations clash on Saturday.

With only one game left to play, Senegal will continue to lead Group D thanks to Cedric Bakambu’s opening score of just after the hour mark in Tangier.

Senegal and Benin both have four points, but both teams had a better goal differential before Tuesday’s final group game.

After falling to Botswana 1-0 earlier on Saturday in Rabat, Benin now has three points.

After suffering a devastating defeat at the previous meeting of the nations, World Cup qualifying in September, Sebastien Desabre’s Congolese side sought retribution.

Senegal won the matchup 3-2 in Kinshasa, going on to win the match and leading their group to advance to the next year’s North American finals.

In order to avoid being forced to accept second place, the DRC must still qualify for the World Cup if they advance to a one-off playoff in Mexico in March against Jamaica or New Caledonia.

Senegal had more possession and chances on the day thanks to Botswana’s 3-0 victory, which is seen as perhaps the biggest threat to Morocco’s chances of capturing the title on its own soil.

Theo Bongonda, the Leopards’ top scorer, was parried by goalkeeper Edouard Mendy in the 61st minute when Real Betis striker Bakambu pounced to convert the loose ball.

Senegal, however, were only eight minutes into the game when Ibrahim Mbaye, a young substitute, made a superb run.

The 17-year-old Paris Saint-Germain winger Mbaye, who was born in France and has represented them until the Under-20s, recently committed to Senegal, for whom he has a parent who qualifies.

Just after Bakambu’s opener, he made the leveller from a perplexing run down the right. He took the place of Ismaila Sarr.

Mbaye slammed into Arthur Masuaku, who appeared to be hurting himself before being blocked by Lionel Mpasi, but Mane was on hand to score.

Former Liverpool legend Mane, who is playing in his sixth tournament, scored 10 goals in the AFCON.

Benin’s first AFCON victory in their history

With a 1-0 Group D victory over Botswana on Saturday, Yohan Roche scored a deflected winner to earn Benin its first-ever place in the Africa Cup of Nations finals.

Benin improves to three points from their opening two games, moving to level with Senegal and the DRC, who will face off in Tangier on Saturday for their second pool match.

When Roche and captain Steve Mounie played a one-two in the box in the 28th minute, Roche’s shot from 9 meters (10 yards) took a deflection off a defender and into the net.

Despite having been quarterfinalists in 2019, Benin finally won the continental finals on their 16th attempt. Additionally, they have lost ten games and five draws.

Botswana struggled to move forward, but Mothusi Johnson curled a free-kick that hit the crossbar and beat the goalkeeper without the frame.

Benin had a number of chances to increase their lead, but Tamimou Ouorou was denied by Botswana goalkeeper Goitseone Phoko’s excellent low stop.

At the conclusion of the game, Dodo Dokou created a superb shooting chance 11 meters (12 yards) from the end of the match before going over the bar with the goal gaping.

After three defeats on the road in 2012 and an opening 3-0 defeat to Senegal this year, Botswana are now the second team to lose their first five Cup of Nations matches, behind Benin.

On Tuesday, they play their final pool game against DRC, and Benin will also face Senegal.

Washington has portrayed the recent US strikes on suspected ISIL (ISIS) targets as a potent counterterror response. The unprecedented operation signaled Donald Trump’s administration’s renewed resolve to combat terrorism, according to the administration’s supporters. Additionally, it fulfills Trump’s commitment to stop what he claims is a “Christian genocide” in Nigeria.

But a somber truth lurks beneath the spectacle of military action: bombing campaigns of this kind are unlikely to improve Nigeria’s security or stabilize the country. In contrast, the strikes run the risk of detracting from the deeper structural crisis that is causing violence and misleading the conflict.

The strikes lack strategic logic, which is their first flaw. Northwest Nigeria’s Sokoto, a region that has experienced intense unrest for the past ten years, was the location of the initial strikes. No known ISIL-linked organizations are active in the area, and this violence is not primarily being caused by an ideological insurgency that is affiliated with ISIL. Instead, security concerns in this area are caused by banditry, rural economic collapse, and land-grabbing competition. These armoured groups are dispersed and largely motivated by profit.

Despite the fact that Lakurawa’s profile and any connections to ISIL are still under investigation, the Christmas Day strikes appear to have focused on a relatively new ideological armed group.

Boko Haram and the West Africa Province (ISIL) affiliate are the ideological armed groups with the biggest presence in northern Nigeria. In Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa, in northeastern Nigeria, where insurgency has a long history, these groups still operate hundreds of kilometers from Sokoto, in the state of Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa. Why strike the northwest first, I wonder? The explanation is unclear.

The uncertainty surrounding casualties is equally alarming. No reliable figures are currently available. Some social media accounts claim that no casualties were caused by the bombs, which suggests they were dropped on empty targets. According to a private source with knowledge of the US operation against the Islamic State in Nigeria, several strikes were launched, but the actual damage done is largely unknown, according to security analyst Brant Philip’s social media platform X: &nbsp.

Locals confirmed the incident caused widespread panic, according to Arise TV’s reporting on X. At least one of the attacks occurred in a district that had not previously experienced violence. Additionally, they noted that it is not yet known whether the attack had a full range of effects, including whether there were any casualties among civilians.

Although these claims are unstated, other social media accounts have published images that claim to be civilian casualties. Rumor often moves more quickly than facts in a world where information warfare and armed conflict occur simultaneously. The US government’s lack of accurate data on casualties could cause more distrust in communities already reluctant to accept involvement from other countries.

Additionally, symbolism is important. The incident occurred on Christmas Day, which has emotional and political significance. The timing runs the risk of being seen as an attempt to support a larger narrative of a Western “crusade” against the Muslim community for many in northern Nigeria.

The strike site, Sokoto, is even more sensitive. It was the Sokoto Caliphate’s spiritual home throughout the 19th century, a place where Nigerian Muslims revered their religious authority and expansion. Bombing a symbolic center like this could stoke anti-US sentiment, raise religious suspicion, and give hardline propagandists a platform to use. The strikes could unintentionally bolster recruitment and amplify grievance narratives, thereby weakening alleged ISIL influence.

What else can Nigeria do if air strikes are unable to solve its security crisis?

Foreign military intervention is not the answer. The lack of the state in rural communities, weak security, and corruption are just some of the signs of deeper governance failures in Nigeria. Residents of the northwest frequently negotiate with armed groups because the state is largely absent and provide them with basic services and security. Years of government neglect, heavy-handed security tactics, and economic exclusion provided fertile ground for insurgency in the northeast where Boko Haram first emerged.

Therefore, a multi-layered response to security must be the most sustainable. It calls for dialogue, community-based policing, and deradicalization pathways. It demands a state-sponsored presence that neither defends nor defends. It also includes putting the highest priority on obtaining intelligence, strengthening local authorities, and restoring trust between citizens and government institutions.

The US strikes may make headlines and win over a domestic audience, but they run the risk of empowering only hardline sentiment and provoking even greater resentment there.

Nigerians do not require the US to bomb their nation for stability and security. They require autochthonous reform: localized long-term support to resurrect trust, resurrect livelihoods, and strengthen state institutions. Anything less distracts you.