Archive December 6, 2025

The city of Guadalajara in Mexico is scheduled to host four World Cup matches next year, and labourers are working around the clock to revamp infrastructure in time for the tournament.

On account of frenzied construction, the city’s roads are presently a bona fide mess, constituting a perpetual headache for those who must transit them.

But Guadalajara has a much bigger problem than traffic. The metropolis is the capital of the western state of Jalisco, which happens to possess the highest number of disappeared people in all of Mexico.

The official tally of Jalisco’s disappeared is close to 16,000, out of a total of more than 130,000 countrywide. However, the frequent reluctance of family members to report missing persons for fear of retribution means the true toll is undoubtedly higher.

Now, with the World Cup fast approaching, Mexican authorities are also working overtime to sanitise Guadalajara’s image. For months, local officials have been threatening to remove the portraits and signs from the towering “roundabout of the disappeared” in the centre of the city, effectively re-disappearing them.

I recently spent five days in Guadalajara and paid a visit to the roundabout, a few kilometres’ walk from my accommodation. The closer I got to the site, the more posters proliferated across electrical poles and sidewalk planters featuring the faces and identifying information of the disappeared. Some of these posters also appeared plastered in larger form onto the monument itself.

There was, for example, 32-year-old Elda Adriana Valdez Montoya, last seen in Guadalajara on August 10, 2020. And 19-year-old Jordy Alejandro Cardenas Flores, last seen on May 19, 2022, in the nearby city of Tlaquepaque. There was 16-year-old Cristofer Aaron Leobardo Ramirez Camarena, last seen in the Jalisco municipality of Tlajomulco de Zuniga on April 21, 2024. And 67-year-old Martha Leticia Diaz Lopez, last seen in Guadalajara on June 27, 2025.

In the case of Cardenas Flores, the poster specified that the young man had been “taken” on May 19 by agents from the state prosecutor’s office, from which appointment he never returned.

While there is a tendency to blame Mexico’s astronomical disappearance rates on violent drug cartels, including the notorious Jalisco New Generation Cartel, the government is thoroughly implicated in the phenomenon, as well – whether by direct action, collaboration with criminal outfits, or simply in terms of safeguarding the panorama of near-total impunity that permits such crimes to flourish.

It bears underscoring, too, that the vast majority of disappearances took place following the launch in 2006 of Mexico’s so-called “war on drugs”, which not only failed to resolve the drug issue but also set the stage for more than 460,000 homicides in the country. The war effort was backed by – who else? – the United States, which rarely misses out on an opportunity for blood-soaked hemispheric meddling.

But heaven forbid World Cup spectators be subjected to such a morbid reality – although it is becoming rather difficult to cover up the discovery of mass clandestine graves and hundreds of bags containing human remains in the vicinity of the Guadalajara football stadium.

While in Guadalajara, I spoke with Maribel Cedeno, a representative of the Guerreros Buscadores de Jalisco (Warrior Searchers of Jalisco), one of various collectives dedicated to the search for the missing in the face of willful government inaction. Her brother, Jose Gil Cedeno Rosales, was disappeared on September 21, 2021, in Tlajomulco de Zuniga.

As Cedeno commented to me, “absolutely nothing has changed” during the presidency of Claudia Sheinbaum, who assumed office last year after promising a more sympathetic approach to the issue of Mexico’s disappeared. Once in power, Sheinbaum apparently forgot her own pledge, effectively condemning countless Mexicans whose loved ones are missing to a state of continuous psychological torment.

Remarking on the expansive measures the government is pursuing to provide security for the World Cup, Cedeno demanded: “But where is our security? Where is the security for our family members, or for those of us whose lives are at risk because we are searching for the missing?”

They are good questions. And yet they are not ones that are keeping the authorities up at night.

In March, the Guerreros Buscadores de Jalisco discovered a clandestine crematorium on a ranch outside the town of Teuchitlan, an hour from Guadalajara, which was reportedly utilised by the Jalisco New Generation Cartel as a recruitment and training centre in addition to an extermination site.

Curiously, Mexican authorities had seized the ranch months earlier, but hadn’t managed to notice any of the human bone fragments or the hundreds of shoes littering the place.

On my final day in Guadalajara, I took an Uber out to the ranch, which appeared on the Uber app as “Campo de adiestramiento y exterminio” – training and extermination camp.

Thinking better of it, I put the Teuchitlan town centre as my destination, and while en route proposed to the driver that I pay him in cash to swing by the ranch, as well. He made the sign of the cross, but agreed.

A gregarious middle-aged man from eastern Jalisco, the driver had spent 11 years as an undocumented worker in California and Oregon; his son was studying engineering at a university in Michigan. He had personally known several people, including two sisters, who had been disappeared from his hometown, and lamented that the only time the Mexican authorities seemed inspired to seek justice for homicides was when the victims themselves had been members of the security forces.

And although a die-hard football fan, the driver said he could not justify the state’s decision to pour massive quantities of money into a World Cup spectacle that would not remotely benefit the average Mexican.

In Teuchitlan, we took a brief stroll around the town’s colourful central plaza and bought a few beers, then programmed our destination to “Campo de adiestramiento y exterminio”, which led us down a dusty and isolated road patrolled by an ominous black vehicle. When we found the camp blocked by the Mexican National Guard – an outfit with which I have had my fair share of unpleasant run-ins – we returned to battle the traffic of Guadalajara.

To be sure, it is in the distinct interest of the Mexican government to retroactively cover up whatever it can about Teuchitlan, which has already caused enough damage due to the uncharacteristically wide international media coverage the case received.

But at the end of the day, Mexico is itself one big mass grave. And while efforts to bury that grave for the World Cup may be a first-half goal for organised crime and complicit politicians alike, the score could still be settled in the second half – by the people who refuse to let their disappeared loved ones be definitively disappeared.

Qatar is not a big country, but lately it occupies an astonishing amount of space in the imagination of a growing ecosystem of far-right influencers, pseudo-journalists, pro-Israel think tanks and dubious analysts. According to them, Qatar is orchestrating various global conspiracies.

Two figures illustrate this pattern quite well. Laura Loomer, a US-based influencer who acts as an unofficial loyalty enforcer for US President Donald Trump, has reinvented herself as an expert on “Qatar infiltration” and the Muslim Brotherhood. In recent months, Loomer has tweeted about Qatar approximately twice per day, according to my analysis of her feed. Of the top 100 most shared URLs mentioning both Qatar and the Muslim Brotherhood in the past year, I found that 35 belong to her.

Tommy Robinson (also known by his real name Stephen Yaxley-Lennon) is somewhat less eloquent but no less vitriolic. The British anti-Islam activist has posted tweets saying “F**k Qatar” three times in the past few days, along with a video he made lamenting Qatari investments in the UK.

This fixation isn’t random. Over the past two years, Qatar has been cast as a catch-all villain, the hidden architect of Western decay: Bankrolling student protests, driving immigration, manipulating US diplomacy, and advancing the “Islamification” of the West. It’s partly recycled Islamophobia, but also a coordinated influence campaign, one that weaponises pre-existing fears to undermine Doha’s mediation role in Gaza, weaken its relationship with Washington, and resurrect the old “Eurabia” fantasy to use as a political tool.

United by narratives

Loomer and Robinson have long histories of Islamophobic activism. Loomer’s brand is built on being a “proud Islamophobe”, a stance that has won her an audience among white nationalists. Yet while Loomer’s admiration among traditionally anti-Semitic white nationalists has prompted concern from some members of the American Jewish community, her fierce pro-Israel politics sometimes override concerns about the extremism she channels.

Despite her Islamophobic history, Loomer’s obsession with Qatar is relatively new. Before 2025, she only mentioned Qatar about five times on X, but she has done so 460 times since May 2025.

According to Loomer, Qatar is secretly funding anything “from BLM [Black Lives Matter movement], ANTIFA, to Islamic violence in America”. She argues that routine diplomacy, such as pilot training in Idaho, equates to “genocidal Muslims being trained to fly fighter jets on US soil”.  She even described as “invaders” injured Palestinian children being flown for medical treatment to the US on a Qatar Airways flight.

Loomer has directed much of her ire against conservative figures who don’t share her newfound hatred of Qatar. She has called conservative pundit Tucker Carlson “Tucker Qatarlson” and suggested that podcaster Theo Von’s shift in tone on Israel is due to a “brain-rotting” trip to Doha. She has also claimed that most conservative podcast hosts and journalists are “owned by Qatar and the Muslim Brotherhood”.

Even Republican leaders are folded into the conspiracy, with baseless claims that Congresswoman Lisa McClain and her staff leaked internal questions from a committee hearing on anti-Semitism to the Qatari embassy.

For his part, Robinson has recently embarked on a new “F**k Qatar” campaign. He is getting a lot of mileage out of a video he filmed in London. In the video, Robinson accuses Qatar of “funding the destruction” of the United Kingdom.

The fantasy of ‘Eurabia’

The pattern in these narratives fuses two older conspiratorial narratives: the “Red-Green alliance” myth – claiming a covert ideological pact between the radical left (red) and Islamists (green) – and the early-2000s “Eurabia” theory popular in Islamophobic and hardline pro-Israel circles, which alleges that European elites had secretly colluded with Arab states to Islamise the West.

The combination of this line of thinking has helped foment narratives that foreign “hordes” of Muslims are seeking to “replace” Western civilisation. Ironically, this conspiratorial thinking is rooted in the anti-Semitic “great replacement” conspiracy theory espoused by white nationalists.

This Eurabia trope has mutated into a new storyline: Qatar, as the puppeteer of Western decline, is buying influence to smuggle Islamism via the Muslim Brotherhood into the heart of Europe and the United States. Thus, Muslims (and Qatar) become the greater of the two “Abrahamic threats”, displacing older anti-Semitic hierarchies without dismantling the conspiratorial worldview beneath them.

Anti-Muslim tropes are not just popular among white nationalists; they are also frequently weaponised as political tools. Here, it is important to point out that the likes of Loomer and Robinson may position themselves as independent activists, but their finances are often opaque.

One DC-based lobbyist described Loomer as a “pay-to-play Tasmanian devil”. In the past, both Robinson and Loomer have reportedly been financed by Robert Shillman, a US tech billionaire who also backed anti-Islam movements in the UK and the US. Shillman, a former board member of Friends of the IDF, a US-based nonprofit that fundraises for the Israeli army, has long supported hardline Zionist causes.

Robinson, a convicted fraudster, has also received financial support from pro-Israel think tanks, including the Middle East Forum (MEF), run by anti-Islam activist Daniel Pipes.

Although Robinson put out anti-Qatar content after October 7, 2023, his interest in Qatar appeared to intensify after a recent trip to Israel, at the invitation of Amichai Chikli, Israel’s Minister of Diaspora Affairs. Since the visit in October, Robinson has tweeted about Qatar at least nine times, far more than usual. Loomer met Chikli last month.

Chikli’s Ministry of Diaspora Affairs is important in this story. In 2024, it was revealed that it paid a Tel Aviv-based PR firm to create an anti-Muslim and anti-Arab digital media campaign targeting North America. The crux of the campaign was to promote fear of Islamic migration.

Chikli himself has been described by Haaretz as “neo-Nazi curious” for courting historically anti-Semitic far-right European politicians and parties. He has appeared at far events and claimed that Europe is financing “its own death” by supporting Islamism.

Think tanks like MEF,  the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies (FDD), and the Israel-funded Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP) have developed an increasingly unhinged obsession with Qatar. Both the FDD and ISGAP also have a close relationship with a regional Arab country that is “uniquely obsessed with the Brotherhood”.

Dark money is also involved in this campaign. From late 2023 through mid-2024, an unknown entity ran a multimillion-dollar campaign to push a narrative that Qatar was plotting the destruction of Europe by supporting Muslim immigration. The “Qatar Plot” remains unattributed, although some parts of the campaign were promoted by prominent evangelical figures.

Even now, sponsored videos about how Qatar is “destroying” Western civilisation through Islamic migration are getting millions of views on YouTube and Facebook.

Why Qatar

At its core, the anti-Qatar campaign serves multiple agendas. For some, it’s ideological: Qatar is the lightning rod and avatar to boost longstanding Islamophobic fantasies about “Eurabia”, immigration and civilisational decline.

For others, it’s geopolitical: Qatar’s role as a mediator with Hamas frustrates Israeli hardliners who would prefer isolation over negotiation, while other regional powers’ longstanding rivalry with Doha’s influence in the Arab world gives an incentive to amplify hostility and drive a wedge between Qatar and the United States.

More importantly, this narrative allows Israel and co to position themselves as defenders of Western civilisation against so-called Islamic extremism.

In the US, there’s also a domestic political calculation: Framing Qatar as the hidden sponsor of campus protests, left-wing movements and even conservative dissenters gives culture warriors a convenient external enemy to rally against. There’s also money to be made, for lobbyists from all sides.

Qatar’s foreign policy, like any state’s, is not beyond scrutiny. But the propaganda obsession with painting Doha as the nucleus of a global Islamist plot is an absurd conspiracy theory designed to appeal to the Republican Party, which, as Mike Rothschild argues, is increasingly beholden to conspiracy theories.