Neighbourhoods in Beirut’s southern suburbs have been left in ruins by Israeli bombing attacks. Israel says it is targeting Hezbollah infrastructure but hundreds of thousands of people have been forcibly displaced.
Sometimes, journalists indulge in myths and delusions they claim to decry.
This grating inclination has been on almost giddy display in the still evolving aftermath of United States President Donald Trump’s rash decision to join Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in launching a war with Iran.
Like falling dominoes, a “narrative” gathered momentum among the America’s “progressive” commentariat, insisting that Trump’s order to go to war offended large swaths of the MAGA movement and set off a seismic split in his ardent base.
It is a silly myth and a seductive delusion.
Sure, a handful of familiar MAGA personalities have grumbled that another Middle East conflict betrays the “America First” pledge that helped propel Trump back to the White House.
Conservative commentator Megyn Kelly has questioned whether the US is drifting, yet again, into an endless war without purpose or meaning. Podcaster Joe Rogan has talked about the conflict’s disastrous, unintended consequences. Former Fox News host Tucker Carlson has warned that the unprovoked attack could trigger chaos across an already volatile region.
Trump, of course, parried the backlash with trademark coarseness. He lashed out. He dismissed the naysayers. He mocked allies who briefly turned detractors.
Headlines blared that a domestic quarrel threatened to engulf his MAGA disciples in a “civil war.”
The idea that MAGA has fractured is fantasy. Disquiet is not rupture. Dissent is not rebellion.
The MAGA “movement” is not a conventional coalition held together by consensus around a coherent, considered set of principles or policies.
MAGA remains what it has always been: a political phenomenon built to burnish one man’s ego and narcissism. As long as that man is Trump, the “movement” bends to his designs and whims. It adjusts; and, inevitably, snaps back into loyal line.
That loyalty remains the movement’s signature force.
For nearly a decade, Trump has tested its limits. He has weathered scandals that would have devoured most politicians. Two impeachments. Criminal convictions. A litany of controversies, including his close and lengthy friendship with the architect of a worldwide sex trafficking ring, the notorious paedophile, Jeffrey Epstein.
Through it all, MAGA has, if anything, tightened its loving embrace of Trump.
The notion that a fraternal dispute over foreign policy would shatter the vice-like bond is absurd. That bond is emotion. It is visceral.
For his embittered supporters, Trump is the embodiment of grievance-fuelled defiance. He is a charismatic champion against enemies in Washington — the gilded establishment, the media, the global order who treats them with derision and contempt.
Within that parochial framework, Trump’s actions at home and abroad are filtered through the prism of fidelity. When Trump unleashes a war that he once opposed, his devout followers accept his shifting rationales — however obtuse or contradictory. They believe he sees threats others ignore. They believe he acts when others hesitate.
Indeed, polls confirm their steadfast confidence in Trump’s judgement and his enduring appeal.
The Republican Party has always harboured different instincts. Some supporters lean towards isolationism. Others favour aggressive displays of the America’s unparalleled power.
While there may be hints of unease among Republicans about the prospect of a long, costly war with Iran, that unease has not led, and likely will not lead, to a broad revolt anytime soon.
Trump’s standing within the Republican Party remains strong. His approval among Republican voters remains high. They trust him.
That trust trumps the simmering doubts raised by a small, albeit prominent, slice of MAGA fawning pundits and a few recalcitrant members of Congress.
Kelly knows it. Rogan knows it. Carlson knows it.
The trio understands that they operate inside a MAGA universe fashioned and controlled by Trump. Their popularity and influence depend on staying there. They know the defining rule of Trump’s gravitational pull: stray too far and you will be cast out.
Predictably, Carlson avoided escalation.
Instead, he declared his allegiance. He made plain that he still “loves” Trump. He reminded listeners that Trump had reshaped American politics.
Kelly and Rogan may question the risks and dangers of war, but neither would wage a sustained attack on the president. Neither would dare tell Trump’s loyalists to abandon him.
A fleeting disagreement over Trump’s reckless adventure in Iran will not translate into a lasting break.
Even the most high-profile MAGA hucksters recognise that confronting Trump invites retribution and disaster. Their audiences overlap. Their reach thrives in the same ideological ecosystem.
Picking an ultimately losing fight with the ecosystem’s vengeful anchor is rarely good business.
So, MAGA is, at the moment, experiencing a touch of turbulence. It will pass.
Which is why the constant search by establishment media for a dramatic MAGA schism keeps producing the standard result.
Nothing much changes.
Every time Trump sparks outrage, the same prediction appears. This time, the base will rebel. This time, the coalition will splinter.
This forecast is a tired ritual. It ignores the fundamental nature of the MAGA compact. That connection is not rooted in briefs or blueprints. It is a secular religion where the leader is never wrong.
Myopic scribes mistake a fracas for a collapse. They see tension and hope for a divorce. The believers are not preoccupied with the logistics of war or the mercurial logic of “America First”. They care about the man who gave them a voice.
Once the friction fades, the sceptics will retreat. They have nowhere else to go. The undeniable magnetism of Trump’s celebrity and command of MAGA reels most reluctant strays back.
To leave that agreeable orbit permanently is to vanish into irrelevance — a bleak fate for provocateurs who have forged lucrative careers amplifying Trump’s ignorance, intolerance, and fury.
The US-Israel war on Iran has rattled global energy markets, as countries scramble to secure fuel, conserve supplies and rethink exports.
Tehran has effectively halted most traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, a key shipping lane between the Gulf – also known as the Arabian Gulf and the Persian Gulf – and the Gulf of Oman, which supplies one-fifth of the world’s oil, in retaliation for the US-Israeli attacks, which started on February 28.
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With tanker traffic severely reduced and crude oil prices surging past $100, major oil-importing nations such as Bangladesh and Thailand are looking for workarounds to avert a crisis at home, including diversifying crude suppliers and rationing fuel.
Nevertheless, analysts doubt that any alternative can ensure long-term energy stability as the Middle East remains the world’s main oil and gas supplier.
Here are four strategies countries are enacting to ease the impact of the war on their fuel needs:
India has resumed buying Russian oil after halting imports from its old ally following US sanctions against Moscow’s biggest oil producers.
This, after the US temporarily exempted India from sanctions on buying Russian oil shipments currently stranded at sea, aiming to prevent disruptions to global supply and curb further spikes in energy prices. The 30-day waiver would end in early April, but it can be extended by the Trump administration.
“Russian oil can help cushion a short-term supply shock, but its usefulness depends on two uncertain conditions: that Russian barrels remain available and that the discount remains meaningful,” energy expert Tatiana Mitrova, a fellow at Columbia University’s Center on Global Energy Policy, told Al Jazeera.
In theory, the estimated 120-140 million barrels of Russian oil reported to be “on the water” could cover weeks of India’s imports, Mitrova said. However, she warned that, in practice, only a fraction can be redirected quickly due to logistical and refinery constraints.
The “discount” Mitrova referred to is a subsidised rate at which Russia sold oil to India from 2022 until late 2025, when Europe and other traditional buyers shunned Russian crude amid the Ukraine war. Desperate to sell its oil, Russia was offering India discounts. However, with Russian oil now in high demand because of the war in Iran and the choke on transit through the Strait of Hormuz, it is unclear whether Russia continues to offer India crude at subsidised rates.
At the same time, China, another major buyer, could compete for the same barrels, narrowing discounts and pushing prices closer to global benchmarks if disruptions continue, Mitrova said.
“Russian oil is a useful tactical buffer, but not a durable shield,” she added.
Analyst Abhi Rajendran said the current disruption is much larger than past shocks, and the volume of oil and gas flowing from the Middle East that has now been blocked cannot be quickly replaced.
Rajendran, a non-resident fellow at the Center for Energy Studies at Rice University, said other major oil and gas exporters, such as the US and Norway, would need months to ramp up their production, and only inventory releases can partially bridge the gap.
He also pointed out that crude produced by different countries varies in quality, and refineries in different countries are configured for different grades. Oil produced in one country is not an automatic replacement for crude exported from another nation.
Many governments are resorting to fuel rationing to deal with the situation. Sri Lanka, for example, has introduced a QR code-based fuel authorisation system to regulate petrol and diesel distribution amid supply pressures. The scheme, launched on March 15, requires vehicle owners to present a unique QR code obtained after registering their vehicles online before buying fuel.
At fuel stations, attendants scan the QR code to verify the vehicle and track its weekly fuel quota. Limits vary by vehicle type; for example, cars can receive up to 15 litres a week, while it is capped at 5 litres for motorcycles, authorities said.
Bangladesh imposed similar restrictions on March 6, introducing daily limits on fuel sales following reports of stockpiling and panic buying.
However, authorities in Dhaka said on Sunday the limits would be suspended, citing sufficient reserves and the need to meet higher demand during the upcoming Eid holidays.
Iraq, a major oil exporter, is exploring alternative routes to transport its crude.
Ministry of Oil spokesperson Saheb Bazoun said last week Iraq had several shipments stuck at sea and that crude sales, which provide about 90 percent of state revenues, had sharply declined.
To ease the pressure, Baghdad has proposed exporting at least 200,000-250,000 barrels per day of crude from Kirkuk via the pipeline to Ceyhan in Turkiye, which crosses the northern Kurdish region. However, talks with Kurdish authorities have stalled, the Reuters and AFP news agencies have reported.
Bangladesh, Pakistan, Vietnam and Thailand have announced their work-from-home policies for government employees while recommending similar steps for private employees.
Pakistan has introduced a four-day working week for government employees, with 50 percent of the staff working from home on rotation.
Vietnam has called on businesses to allow people to work from home to reduce the need for transport.
In addition to mandating remote work, the Thai government has asked its employees to take stairs to reduce the use of lifts and encouraged online meetings to help conserve fuel. It has also asked government employees to wear short sleeves and avoid suits to minimise cooling costs in offices.
Academic Fengqi You said remote work can cut oil demand – mainly by reducing commuting – but its national impact is limited. “Work-from-home is useful for short-term crises and long-term energy planning,” You, a professor of energy systems engineering at Cornell University, told Al Jazeera.
Wrexham striker Kieffer Moore has been ruled out of Wales’ World Cup play-offs with a hamstring injury.
The 33-year-old had been a major doubt since sustaining a tendon split during the FA Cup defeat against Chelsea earlier this month.
Having missed subsequent Championship matches against Hull City and Swansea City, Moore is not expected to return to action until April.
That means he will be unavailable for Wales’ World Cup play-off semi-final against Bosnia-Herzegovina on 26 March and, if they win that game, their play-off final against Italy or Northern Ireland five days later.
“Kieffer’s not going to be right for the internationals, which is a blow for him and for Wales,” said Wrexham manager Phil Parkinson.
Wrexham wing-back Liberato Cacace is also on the sidelines for his club, the latest setback in an injury-ravaged first season for the New Zealander since his move from Italian side Empoli last summer.
“Libby will miss New Zealand’s internationals and we’ve just got to focus on getting him to hopefully contribute for the end of the season,” said Parkinson.
“Because he’s had a couple of setbacks, I don’t really want to put any pressure or time scale on him.
Suspected Boko Haram insurgents attempted to infiltrate the Ajilari Cross area of Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, in the early hours of Monday.
According to residents of the area, the incident occurred around 1 a.m., with sporadic gunshots heard across the neighbourhood, causing panic among residents of the state capital.
Although details of the attack remain sketchy, Channels Television obtained an amateur video showing some infrastructure set ablaze while military forces were mobilised to the area.
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The spokesperson of the Nigeria Police Force, Nuhum Daso, confirmed the incident in a statement and urged residents to remain indoors as joint security operatives had been deployed to the scene.
As of 7 a.m. on Monday, March 16, normalcy had returned to the area, but the military had cordoned off the location, preventing residents from accessing the affected area until it is confirmed safe.
Myanmar’s parliament has convened for the first time since the 2021 coup after recent elections saw the pro-military party winning most of the seats as major opposition parties were barred from running.
The opening of the new parliament on Monday followed phased elections in December and January, which the pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) dominated amid low voter turnout and no viable opposition.
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A quarter of the available seats in the upper and lower houses – 166 seats – were reserved for the military, and the USDP won 339 of the rest. Twenty-one other parties won from one to 20 seats each.
During Monday’s session, Khin Yi, the chairman of the military-backed USDP, was elected speaker of the lower house. He is a former general and police chief, widely regarded as a close ally of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Myanmar’s military ruler.
In addition, a new five-member panel, the Union Consultative Council, will be established in what some experts have called a “superbody” that would allow Min Aung Hlaing to maintain his grip on both the military and civilian administration.
An official announcement from the Union Election Commission said the upper house of parliament will meet on Wednesday and a joint session was anticipated on Friday.
Myanmar’s last widely recognised general election in November 2020 delivered a landslide victory to the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. The military rejected the results, alleging widespread voter fraud without presenting credible evidence.
In February 2021, the armed forces detained Suu Kyi and other senior NLD leaders, declared a state of emergency and transferred power to the military, triggering nationwide protests and violent crackdowns. The 80-year-old former leader is serving a 27-year prison term on charges widely viewed as spurious and politically motivated.
Political parties associated with the former ruling NLD were dissolved or barred from participating in the latest elections while strict laws criminalised public criticism of the vote.
Myanmar has been plagued by civil war and a humanitarian crisis affecting millions of its people since the 2021 coup.
The takeover spurred pro-democracy activists to organise resistance groups nationwide, many of which eventually joined forces with long-established ethnic armed organisations that were already battling the central government.
Large areas of Myanmar are now outside the control of the military administration.
Critics, including democracy watchdog groups and opposition figures, said the recent electoral process lacked transparency and fairness.
Human Rights Watch already had called them “sham elections” before the voting and described them as a “desperate bid for international legitimacy after nearly five years of brutal military repression”.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations declared it would not recognise the election results.
