Bangladesh won’t play T20 World Cup matches in India, BCB reaffirms

The Bangladesh Cricket Board has remained firm in its stance to not play its T20 World Cup matches in India following a video conference with the International Cricket Council (ICC).

“The BCB reaffirmed its position regarding the decision not to travel to India, citing security concerns,” the BCB said in a media release on Tuesday.

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“The board also reiterated its request for the ICC to consider relocating Bangladesh’s matches outside India.”

The BCB said its position remains unchanged, despite the ICC highlighting that the tournament itinerary has already been announced and requested the board to reconsider its stance.

“Both parties agreed that discussions will continue to explore possible solutions. The BCB remains committed to safeguarding the well-being of its players, officials and staff while engaging constructively with the ICC to address the matter.”

The T20 World Cup is being co-hosted by India and Sri Lanka from February 7 to March 8. Bangladesh are scheduled to play three T20 World Cup group matches in Kolkata and one in Mumbai.

Bangladesh requested that the ICC shift its World Cup venue from India after the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) instructed the Indian Premier League (IPL) franchise Kolkata Knight Riders to remove Bangladesh fast bowler Mustafizur Rahman from its squad for this year’s tournament.

The BCCI did not give any specific reason for the removal of the star left-arm paceman from the IPL, but it is believed it was done because of the recent political tensions between the two countries.

AFCON Senegal, Ivory Coast fans react to Trump’s World Cup 2026 travel bans

Fans of two of Africa’s top football nations have had their FIFA World Cup 2026 plans upended because of a travel ban imposed by the Donald Trump-led US administration.

Senegal and the Ivory Coast were added in December to the list of countries with partial restrictions on entry to the United States, which is co-hosting the June 11-July 19 tournament with Canada and Mexico.

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Fans cheering for the two West African teams at the ongoing Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) in Morocco were disappointed by the restrictions, which effectively bar those who do not already have visas from travelling to the US to watch the World Cup.

“I don’t know why the American president would want teams from certain countries not to take part. If that’s the case, they shouldn’t agree to host the World Cup,” Senegal supporter Djibril Gueye told The Associated Press in Tangier, Morocco.

“It’s up to the United States to provide the conditions, the means, and the resources to allow the qualified countries so everyone can go and support their team,” Gueye said.

President Donald Trump cited “screening and vetting deficiencies” as the main reason for the suspensions. Fans from Iran and Haiti, two other countries who have qualified for the World Cup, will be barred from entering the United States as well; they were included in the first iteration of the travel ban announced by the Trump administration.

The restrictions include an exception for players, team officials and immediate relatives travelling to the World Cup, but no allowance has been made for supporters.

“We really want to participate, but we don’t know how,” said Fatou Diedhiou, the president of a group of female Senegal fans. “Now we just wait because the World Cup isn’t here yet, maybe they’ll change their minds. We don’t know. We wait and see.”

Sheikh Sy supported Senegal at the last World Cup in Qatar and was determined to find a way to get to the US.

“We’ve travelled everywhere with our team because we are the national fans of Senegal,” he said. “So, since Senegal has qualified for the World Cup, we absolutely have to go.”

Hoping for a solution

Senegal, which has reached the Africa Cup semifinals, plays its first World Cup game in MetLife Stadium in New Jersey on June 16 against France, four days before facing Norway in the same stadium. Its final group stage match is in Toronto on June 26 against a playoff winner between Bolivia, Suriname and Iraq.

The Ivory Coast also has two games in the US, opening against Ecuador in Philadelphia on June 14 and finishing the group there on June 25 against Curacao after facing Germany in Toronto.

Ivory Coast coach Emerse Fae was optimistic that a solution could be found for supporters. He pointed out that Ivorian fans faced a similar hurdle getting to Morocco for the Africa Cup when a visa requirement was introduced before the tournament.

“In the end, everything went very smoothly, and they were able to come as long as they had tickets to see the matches. I think things will be sorted out by the time of the World Cup,” Fae told The AP at the team hotel in Marrakesh.

“It’s a celebration, football is a celebration, and for me, it would be a real shame – especially since the World Cup only comes around every four years – it would be a real shame not to let our supporters come and experience this celebration,” Fae said.

Ivory Coast fans support their team at the Africa Cup of Nations quarterfinal match between Egypt and Ivory Coast at Adrar Stadium, Agadir, Morocco on January 10, 2026 [Siphiwe Sibeko/Reuters]

Limited support

Senegal and the Ivory Coast face the prospect of playing only with limited support from fans who are legal US residents, already have visas or have dual nationality with countries that are not affected by the travel ban.

Ivory Coast winger Yan Diomande said there was little the players could do. It’s not their country, and their focus is solely on what happens on the field.

“It’s OK for us, we can play without supporters,” Diomande told The AP. “The most important thing is to win every game and fight for every game.”

Team captain Franck Kessie agreed, saying it was up to politicians to find a solution.

“There’s also an events committee managed by the Ivorian Football Federation, so I think together with the government, we’ll put things in place to make it easier for our supporters,” Kessie said.

U.S. President Donald Trump and FIFA president Gianni Infantino hold a 2026 FIFA World Cup final match ticket that was presented to President Trump, as the President makes an announcement on the 2026 FIFA World Cup
US President Donald Trump’s travel bans against football supporters from several 2026 World Cup-qualified nations, such as Senegal and the Ivory Coast, is at odds with his broader support for the US-based tournament, which will be co-hosted with Canada and Mexico, beginning June 11 [File: Jonathan Ernst/Reuters]

Steep costs

The travel ban is not the only hurdle faced by the Ivory Coast and Senegal fans hoping to go to the World Cup.

One fan wearing a lion mask for Senegal said he can travel to the US because he also has French citizenship, but he will not, as “a matter of political conviction” and because of the high cost of tickets.

“I have the impression it’s all about the business world. They completely ignored the grassroots aspect,” said the fan, who gave his name simply as Pape.

Ivorian supporter Tan Detopeu, speaking in Casablanca, said she feared the team will have little support in the US because few Ivorian supporters can afford the tickets.

How US sanctions crippled lives of Iranians Trump says he wants to ‘help’

As demonstrators flood Iranian streets in ongoing protests which started late last month, United States President Donald Trump has threatened military intervention, arguing that he wants to “help” protesters.

He wrote in a post on his Truth Social platform on Saturday: “Iran is looking at FREEDOM, perhaps like never before. The USA stands ready to help!!!” He has since echoed those sentiments in other public statements.

But ignored in his claims of wanting to help Iranians is a fact: decades of US-led sanctions against Iran, including ones that were toughened under Trump, have played a central role in the country’s economic crises that were the primary trigger for the current spate of protests.

We unpack the impact of US sanctions on Iran and whether its track record in the country has been one of helping people.

What is going on in Iran?

The protests in Iran started from Tehran’s Grand Bazaar on December 28, 2025, after the rial plunged to a record low against the US dollar. Shopkeepers shuttered their businesses to rally against rising prices in Iran.

The protests have since spread to other provinces and have snowballed into a broader challenge to the country’s leadership.

On Monday, the rial was trading at more than 1.4 million to the US dollar, a sharp decline from about 700,000 in January 2025 and approximately 900,000 in mid-2025.

The plummeting currency has triggered steep inflation, with food prices 72 percent higher than last year on average.

What are the US sanctions against Iran?

Iran is one of the most heavily sanctioned countries in the world.

In 1979, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini returned to Iran after 14 years of exile in Iraq and France. Following a referendum, Iran was declared an Islamic republic.

The US first imposed sanctions on Iran in November 1979, after Iranian students stormed its embassy in Tehran and took Americans hostage.

The 1979 Islamic revolution overthrew the shah, or monarch, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, whose forces notoriously used repression and torture to keep him in power, without a democratic mandate.

The US, which backed Pahlavi, had also helped topple Iran’s democratically elected prime minister, Mohammad Mosaddegh, in 1953 in a coup supported by US and British intelligence agencies.

Also in 1979, Washington halted oil imports from Iran and froze $12bn in Iranian assets. Iranian products were banned from import into the US apart from small gifts, informational material, foodstuffs and some carpets.

In 1995, then-President Bill Clinton issued executive orders preventing US companies from investing in Iranian oil and gas and trading with Iran. He banned US trade with Iran and investment in the country. A year later, the US Congress passed a law requiring that the US government impose sanctions on foreign firms investing more than $20m a year in Iran’s energy sector.

In December 2006, the United Nations Security Council imposed sanctions on Iran’s trade in nuclear-energy-related materials and technology and froze the assets of individuals and companies involved in activities pertaining to it.

The sanctions were mainly an effort to curtail Iran’s growing nuclear capacity, but while programmes to enrich uranium were stopped in 2002, they restarted in late 2005. In subsequent years, the UN toughened the sanctions and imposed more sanctions on Iran. The European Union also followed suit.

In 2015, Iran signed a nuclear deal – the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) – with the US, EU, China, France, Germany, Russia and the United Kingdom.

The deal banned uranium enrichment at Iran’s Fordow nuclear facility and allowed only peaceful development of nuclear technology for energy production in return for the complete lifting of sanctions.

Iran agreed to refrain from any uranium enrichment and research into it at Fordow for 15 years. It also agreed not to keep any nuclear material there but instead to “convert the Fordow facility into a nuclear, physics and technology centre”.

However, in 2018, during his first term, Trump announced the US withdrawal from the nuclear treaty and reimposed all sanctions on Iran that were lifted under the treaty.

In 2019, the Trump administration designated Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) a Foreign Terrorist Organization. Additionally, he imposed sanctions targeting petrochemicals, metals (steel, aluminium, copper) and senior Iranian officials. The intensifying sanctions were part of Trump’s maximum pressure campaign against Iran.

On January 3, 2020, the US assassinated Qassem Soleimani, the head of the IRGC’s elite Quds Force, in a drone strike in Baghdad, Iraq. The US also imposed additional sanctions on Iran.

The Biden administration, in power from 2021 to 2025, kept in place most US sanctions against Iran.

In September 2025, the UN sanctions were reimposed on Iran over its nuclear programme when the UNSC voted against permanently lifting economic sanctions on Iran.

How have these sanctions impacted Iran?

Incomes: Iran’s gross domestic product (GDP) per capita fell from more than $8,000 in 2012 to about $6,000 by 2017, and to a little above $5,000 in 2024, according to World Bank data.

The sharpest declines coincided with the reimposition and tightening of US sanctions under Trump’s campaign from 2018 onwards, which squeezed oil exports and access to global finance.

Oil exports and revenue: Iran’s oil exports fell by 60-80 percent after US sanctions were reimposed, stripping the government of tens of billions of dollars in annual revenue.

Iran was exporting about 2.2 million barrels per day (mbpd) of crude oil in 2011. The exports fell sharply after 2018, to an all-time low of just more than 400,000bpd in 2020.

Exports have gradually risen to about 1.5mbpd in 2025, but remain below their pre‑2018 levels.

Currency crash: The Iranian rial has collapsed in value. In the mid‑2010s, a dollar bought only a few tens of thousands of rials on the open market. However, by 2025, it bought several hundred thousand. Now, it can buy more than 1 million rials.

A devalued currency can help a country in promoting its exports, but sanctions have long blocked a bulk of Iran’s exports. Meanwhile, the currency crisis has made imports costlier, contributed to increased inflation, and reduced investor confidence.

The sanctions have also crippled Iran’s access to dollars from financial markets, making it harder for it to participate in international trade.

Aviation: One of the most visible victims of the sanctions on Iran has been its aviation sector. After the initial sanctions in 1979, the government was unable to import new planes. Iran suffered from a spike in deadly aircraft accidents through the 1980s, 90s and the early 2000s.

Between 1979 and 2023, plane crashes killed more than 2,000 people in the country, according to the Geneva-based Bureau of Aircraft Accident Archives (B3A).

Corruption: The sanctions on Iran spurred a “sanctions economy”, or the particular way its elite have profited from them and reshaped the country’s economy around sanctions.

Sanctions create opportunities for corruption, forcing trade and finance into grey and black channels. For instance, oil has to be sold through intermediaries, such as front companies or shadow fleets. Imports and exports pass through informal channels. Public information about trade deals is sparse.

“Sanctions have certainly had a grave impact, but I believe it’s the way the corrupt elite have benefitted from them that has hurt ordinary people most,” Maryam Alemzadeh, an associate professor in history and politics of Iran at the University of Oxford, told Al Jazeera.

“They have created new opportunities for corruption and given rise to – sometimes nameless and faceless – moguls that have swallowed the country’s economy.”

How does this impact people?

Iran’s middle class – common people – have paid the highest price, say experts.

In a research paper published last year, Mohammad Reza Farzanegan, an economist at Germany’s Marburg University, and Nader Habibi, an economist at Brandeis University, built a “virtual Iran” using data from similar countries to illustrate the impact of the sanctions between 2012 and 2019.

They found that starting in 2012, Iran’s middle class began to shrink dramatically.

During the period, the sanctions caused an average 17 percentage points gap between the potential and actual size of Iran’s middle class.

After Trump launched his maximum pressure campaign against Iran, the middle class shrank even more dramatically. The middle class was now 28 percentage points smaller than it would have been in the absence of sanctions.

Farzanegan told Al Jazeera that sanctions are what have led to the collapse of the rial. “This decimated the purchasing power of fixed-salary earners like teachers and civil servants, many of whom fell from the middle class into the category of ‘working poor’.”

Purchasing power is the value of money, measured by the quantity of goods and services a unit of currency can buy.

“As formal businesses contracted, workers were pushed into ‘vulnerable employment’ and informal labour, characterised by lower pay and a lack of social protections,” Farzanegan added.

A research article published in 2020 shows that UN sanctions are directly associated with a marked drop in life expectancy: on average, sanctioned countries lose about 1.2 to 1.4 years, with women bearing a disproportionate share of this decline.

The impact on Iran is in keeping with the broader deadly impact of sanctions: since 1970, US and EU sanctions have killed 38 million people – equivalent to the population of Ukraine or Poland – according to research published last year.

Sanctions have disrupted medicine imports in Iran, leading to price spikes of up to 300 percent for some essential drugs such as anti-seizure medications, according to research published in 2023.

Sanctions have also taken a toll on the environment in Iran. Farzanegan explained that sanctions have hindered the adoption of cleaner fuel standards and slowed green innovation, leading to higher levels of air pollution in cities like Tehran.

UK hunger striker Heba Muraisi: ‘I think about how or when I could die’

London, United Kingdom – Heba Muraisi, a Palestine Action-affiliated activist who has refused food for 72 days in prison, has told Al Jazeera that she “no longer feels hunger”, is suffering with pain and knows that her death may be imminent.

The 31-year-old responded to questions via a friend who regularly visits her in New Hall prison in northern England.

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“Physically, I am deteriorating as the days go by. I no longer feel hunger, I feel pain,” Muraisi said. “I don’t think about my life, I think about how or when I could die, but despite this, mentally I’ve never been stronger, more determined and sure, and most importantly, I feel calm and a great sense of ease.”

Muraisi was arrested on November 19, 2024, over her alleged involvement in a break-in months earlier at the UK subsidiary of the Israeli defence firm Elbit Systems in Bristol.

If she survives, she will have spent at least a year and a half in prison before her trial date, which is reportedly due no earlier than June this year – well beyond the UK’s usual six-month pre-trial detention limit.

She is the longest-fasting hunger striker of a group of eight activists who have joined the rolling protest since early November. Four are currently refusing food, including Muraisi and Kamran Ahmed, a 28-year-old who has not eaten for more than two months.

“Even though the risks may be lifelong consequences or a devastating end, I think it’s important to fight for justice and for freedom,” she told Al Jazeera.

‘I can no longer read like how I used to’

In recent weeks, the British media has intensified its coverage of the prison protest, said to be the largest coordinated hunger strike in British history since 1981, when Irish Republican inmates were led by Bobby Sands. Sands died on the 66th day of his protest, becoming a symbol of the Irish Republican cause. Nine others also died of starvation.

“I’m choosing to continue this because for the first time in 15 months, I’m finally being heard,” said Muraisi.

A Londoner of Yemeni origin who had worked as a florist and lifeguard, Muraisi is reportedly suffering from muscle spasms, breathlessness, severe pain and a low white blood cell count. She has been admitted to hospital three times over the past nine weeks.

At times, she has lost the ability to speak, and her memory is declining, friends who have recently visited her have said.

“Since concentrating has become gradually more difficult, I can no longer read like how I used to, so now I listen to the radio a lot,” she told Al Jazeera via the intermediary. “I love music, and it’s a shame I can’t get the CDs I want, but nonetheless I’m grateful to have songs playing.”

Last week, an emergency physician who is advising the hunger strikers told Al Jazeera that he believes Muraisi and Ahmed have reached a critical phase in which death and irreversible health damage are increasingly likely.

Ahmed’s weight has dropped to 56kg from the healthy 74kg he entered jail at; he is suffering from cardiac atrophy, or heart shrinkage, chest pain and twitching, according to his sister, Shahmina Alam. His speech is slurred, he is now partially deaf in his left ear, and his heart rate has intermittently fallen below 40bpm in recent days, she said.

The group of hunger striking activists are among 29 remand prisoners being held in various jails over their alleged involvement in the Bristol incident and a break-in at the Royal Air Force (RAF) base in Oxfordshire. They deny the charges against them.

Their protest demands include bail, the right to a fair trial and the de-proscription of Palestine Action, which the UK in July designated a “terrorist organisation”, putting it on par with ISIL (ISIS) and al-Qaeda. They are calling for all Elbit sites to be closed in the UK and seek an end to what they call censorship in prison, accusing authorities of withholding mail, calls and books.

Muraisi has also asked to be returned to Bronzefield prison in Surrey as New Hall, where she was moved in October, is about 200 miles away – much further from home.

The government has refused to meet their demands or heed their lawyers’ request for a meeting to discuss the prisoners’ welfare.

Palestine Action, which says it supports direct action without violence and accuses the UK government of complicity in Israel’s atrocities, is fighting against the proscription in courts as six of those charged in the Bristol case are currently on trial.

Asked if she can access news about Palestine from jail, Muraisi, who has family members in Gaza, accused prison officials of “systematically” blocking articles and newspapers “sent in for me”.

“Anything Palestine-related, including the book We Are Not Numbers [an anthology of emerging writers from Gaza], has been deemed inappropriate. I rely on those I call for news,” she said.