Trump to host Rwanda, DRC leaders at White House to sign peace agreement

The White House has announced that President Donald Trump will meet with Rwanda’s and Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (DRC) leaders on Thursday.

A “historical peace and economic agreement that Trump] brokered,” according to spokesperson Karoline Leavitt, will be signed by Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame and DRC President Felix Tshisekedi.

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A preliminary peace agreement and economic pact were signed by the two African countries at a White House meeting in June, leading to the signing of the agreement. They met in Qatar in November and agreed to a framework with the ultimate goal of putting an end to years of fighting.

In a conflict that has its roots in the 1994 Rwandan genocide, M23 rebels have fought the DRC government in North Kivu province for more than ten years. The majority of the ethnic Tutsi who were the target of the Hutu in Rwanda make up the rebels, one of the more than 100 organizations operating in eastern DRC.

In 2021, the group allegedly rallied behind Rwanda. Rwandan forces have acted in self-defense against the DRC’s military and ethnic Hutu fighters in the porous border region, according to Kigali, who has denied working directly with the M23.

The violence, which erupted during an early-2014 offensive that saw the M23 seize two of the DRC’s largest cities, has claimed the lives of countless civilians.

As the negotiations for a truce progressed, fighting has occasionally continued.

At least 319 civilians were killed in North Kivu province by “M23 fighters, aided by members of the Rwanda Defence Force,” according to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in July, according to the initial White House agreement.

Details of a final agreement were not immediately known.

The two parties signed two of eight implementation protocols in Doha, Qatar, including one for prisoner exchange and one for ceasefire monitoring.

Other protocols regarding a timeline, details of the delivery of humanitarian aid, and the return of internally displaced people were unresolved.

Other unresolved issues at the time included the restoration of state control, the implementation of economic reforms, the resumption of armed groups, and the elimination of foreign organizations.

Any agreement must ensure the country’s “territorial integrity,” according to a DRC presidential spokesman who spoke to the Associated Press in November.

The illusion of Western peacemaking

Political science author Vjosa Musliu’s most recent book, Girlhood at War, examines the experiences of her 12-year-old self during the 1998-1999 conflict in Kosovo. Musliu explains how international organizations responded quickly to the end of the war by providing Serbs and Albanians living in Kosovo with workshops on peace and reconciliation.

She describes one such session that she attended as a teenager in 2002 in the final chapter, “Little Red Riding Hood.” The workshop, which was led by Belgian and British facilitators, began with the tale of Little Red Riding Hood, which the participants were asked to reimagine from the perspective of the wolf.

The wolf had not eaten in weeks when he met the girl in the red hood because the forest’s massive deforestation had made him more isolated. The wolf ate the grandmother and the girl out of fear of their imminent death.

Musliu and her classmates struggled to understand the significance of the story in a workshop on reconciliation, first to understand how hunger might have justified the wolf killing the young girl and her grandmother. The facilitators explained that the exercise was intended to demonstrate that there are always new perspectives on every story, that the truth can be found somewhere in the middle, and that there are always new perspectives.

More than 20 years later, I was in a very similar situation. I took part in a workshop led by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in October to bring together young women from Kosovo and Serbia to practice dialogue and peacemaking.

We also had a foreign facilitator and several international speakers, just like Musliu. It was obvious that both had been given a thorough script that they could not deviate from this time, which included two additional assistant facilitators, one from Kosovo and one from Serbia.

We were asked to explain our understanding of peace on the training’s first day. We did this by sharing a number of traumatic story accounts. Some things keep me from stopping to think about. The facilitator appeared more preoccupied with our running fifteen minutes late than with our conversation. The depth of those stories, the bravery, and vulnerability that they possessed sounded uncomfortably small.

We were given more information about integrative negotiations on the second day. In a bullet point, the presentation stated that negotiating involves “separating the people from the problem.” I couldn’t continue reading because I felt something in my chest as I read it.

When I am aware of what happened to my family and my neighborhood during the war, how can I separate the perpetrators from the perpetrators? Before Serb forces arrived in Albania, my parents were forced to flee, but when they returned, their home was damaged, broken into, and some items missing, including my mother’s wedding dress. According to neighbors, Serb soldiers regularly burned women’s wedding dresses they discovered.

Other crimes included broken homes in some neighborhoods as well. More than 20 000 girls, boys, women, and men were raped, and over 8, 000 ethnic Albanian civilians were killed or forcibly disappeared.

I was trying to protect myself during the rape because I was only an 11-year-old. But I was marked. This is the memory you’ll keep of us, they carved a cross into my heart. From the inside out, it destroyed me as a child. One survivor recalled how they used a knife to leave those marks on me.

Knowing this and so many others, it was difficult to convey to a group of young women whose families were forced to relocate, be tortured, or be killed during the war that the issue must be secluded from the population.

Foreign facilitators would take a taxi to the airport, fly home, and leave behind the survivors who are still struggling to transition from war to peace and all the suffering in between, which is simple for them. We should ask them how their differences would be resolved if the wolf had eaten their grandmothers, Musliu said at the conclusion of her story about peacemaking.

We were given seats in the conference room where we were mixed throughout the workshop, with the girls from Kosovo and Serbia seated next to each other. We sat at different tables as soon as the lunch break began, which was a failure.

When the organisers inquired about this division, I responded that the workshop had not yet addressed the topic of the room, which was the war itself. Without bringing up the causes of the war, what transpired during it, and how it ended, how could there possibly be peace and resolution? If there was no way to talk about justice, how could we reconcile?

The facilitators intervened whenever I wanted to highlight the complexity of the post-war situation, such as when I brought up the topic of survivors of sexual violence. They said, “You are not ready yet” to discuss this.

I was moved when someone else evaluated my conversational skills. The West frequently uses it when speaking to people outside of the West. We are told that we are “not ready” for democracy, “not prepared” for self-government, and “not objective enough” to confront our own past.

To determine who can speak and who must listen, civilization is measured by readiness. In these settings, power is the key to “not being ready,” not emotional strength. It is polite to say that our pain must wait for translation, moderation, and approval because our truth is awkward.

The claim that the workshop’s organizers placed a focus on gender was overstated, but they also avoided the subject of rape as a war crime because it went beyond the level of depth, or rather, superficiality, that they had planned.

The facilitator stated that we would discuss historical narratives even if we disagree with all of them on the fifth day of the training.

It is obvious that such a task was useful for the organizers. I found it dangerous to use different perspectives and truths interchangeably. The distinction between true events and true events may become blurry.

Yes, there are many perspectives and experiences in wars, but there isn’t much truth to be found in all of them. Truth rests on evidence and is founded on facts, not balance or compromise. We run the risk of distorting the truth when we challenge or debate facts, and we also run the risk of making assumptions that are reasonable in terms of historical interpretations.

There are many truths to a story, and so I sat there 26 years after the end of the war as a result. I was told to let go of the past, look forward, reconcile, and find a way to live together.

I have to wonder how someone will go about teaching the Palestinians who went through genocidal horrors as children Western-style peacebuilding.

How would they approach a Palestinian and say that the Gaza genocide story contains many truths? How on earth would this promote peace?

I don’t want to be a part of it if this is what the West refers to as building peace today.

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