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Turkey, Turkey’s leader of the Roman Catholic Church, Pope Leo XIV has made a deeply symbolic choice for Turkiye, according to minority community representatives, at a time when the country’s Muslim-majority country is once again open to the public.

The pontiff met religious leaders, met with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and visited places of worship in the nation where Christianity has its deep roots alongside a long and influential Islamic tradition.

Turkiye’s population, which totals more than 80 million people, is at least 99 percent Muslim, despite its long history of hosting Greek, Armenian, Syriac, and Latin Christian communities.

Reps for minority foundations claim that the current climate gives them greater visibility and confidence than they have in decades, despite decades of political conflict, demographic change, and property disputes. They also note that Pope Leo’s visit is appropriate because it was during a time when historic foundations were more apt to organize religious life, organize events, and communicate directly with state organizations.

The pope’s visit is first and foremost a great honor for Turkiye, according to Manolis Kostidis, vice president of the Greek Foundations Association.

It’s also very significant for the Greek community and the Ecumenical Patriarchate. He said that Istanbul’s welcoming of such a guest demonstrates the value of the patriarchate, especially given the support the Turkish government has shown in recent years.

Turkiye’s population in the early years of the Turkish Republic was in the hundreds of thousands. A number of political turbulences shaped their decline over the course of the 20th century, starting with the demise of more than 12, 000 Greek citizens in 1964 in the midst of tensions over Cyprus, to the disproportionately anti-Muslim Wealth Tax of 1942 that targeted non-Muslims.

In the years that followed, there were additional administrative and legal restrictions, gradually accelerating immigration. Although the remaining communities are much smaller today, their representatives emphasize stability, continuity, and a strong sense of belonging to the nation where they have for centuries.

We are roughly 85, 000, or one in a thousand, according to Can Ustabas, the representative head of the Minority Foundations, in an area with 85 million people.

“Communities that once had a million people are now minuscule.” Although we are citizens of this nation, history brought us to this place.

Community representatives agree that the environment of the previous 20 years is in stark contrast to the pressures that minority groups have experienced throughout the 20th century.

Minority foundations benefited from a number of legal changes starting in the 2000s.

The non-Muslim charitable foundations’ ownership, management, and heirship are governed by the Foundations Law, which was first drafted in the Ottoman era and later adapted by the Republic. Between 2003 and 2008, a number of harmonisation packages led by the European Union made it easier for them to register assets, reclaim properties that had previously been seized, and recoup donations and heirlooms.

Following the Court of Cassation ruling from 1974 and earlier administrative practices, a 2011 government decree mandated the return of properties that had been taken from foundations.

Every state body’s attitude was altered by Erdogan’s decree to “return what rightfully belongs to them.” Previously, it took years to obtain church permission to paint. Doors now “open easily,” according to Ustabasi.

One of the most relaxing times.

Lawyer Kezban Hatemi, who has worked with minority foundations for decades, concurred that there had been “a significant reform,” but added that more needed to be done. Hatemi told Al Jazeera, “Some cases are still ongoing; this kind of historical process never ends quickly.”

Hatemi claims that a decades-old mentality, shaped by security concerns and restrictive legal interpretations, contributed to the earlier reluctance of state institutions. She claimed that minority foundations have long endured bureaucratic slogs, with some registering even basic repairs or property registrations. This only started to change as a result of the reforms to the EU’s harmonisation and political will to act on it.

Even as some people are worried about old fears, she said, “The EU process gave real momentum, but it also required political will.”

“You never know what might happen,” the advice of “Don’t Buy Real Estate in Istanbul.” The 40s to 70s have a very strong memory.

Ustabasi noted that between 2003 and 2018, around 1, 250 properties “were returned through EU harmonisation reforms and changes to the Foundations Law.”

Kostidis claimed that the return of the properties had a significant impact. He continued, noting that “minorities have lived one of their most comfortable periods” since Erdogan took office in 2003, adding, “It makes us feel like full citizens.”

One of the most obvious indications of renewed confidence is among Syriacs, particularly those who reside in Tur Abdin, the region’s historic center for Syriac Christianity that extends across Midyat and the Mardin area. Return migration has started to slowly reverse in these villages.

According to Ustabasi, “people who immigrated to Europe are relocating to Midyat and its villages.” “Some people are even planning to live there long-term,” according to one resident, “but the roads are better than Istanbul.”

He attributed the shift to better security conditions in the southeast, a region that has long been affected by conflicts between the Turkish government and the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, making travel and daily life unpredictable. A Turkiye without terrorism “opens many doors.” People “feel safe traveling,” he said, “returning to their villages, and restoring homes.”

Returns to Istanbul, Turkiye’s largest city, are also possible, according to Kostidis, but they will require some practical adjustments.

“Large-scale returns are undoubtedly not likely. However, some people will return if residency problems are resolved, he said, calling for “a special regulation” for Istanbuli Greeks who hold Greek citizenship.

“This city should be home to all ethnic groups, including Muslims, Jews, Armenians, Syriancs, and Greeks. The diversity of Istanbul has always been its strength.

powerful message

Despite significant progress, several legal and administrative issues are still unresolved, with the representatives citing the autonomy-related legal ambiguities, and long-standing cases involving the handover of some properties.

Hatemi noted that the state “still intervenes in foundation governance in ways it never does with Muslim foundations,” while Ustabasi urged changes to the legal framework. Although this mindset is still present, I’m hopeful.

Etyen Mahcupyan, a journalist and writer from Turkey-Armenia, reported that the pace of reform changed after a failed coup attempt in 2016 and the rise of state bureaucracy in politics and decision-making.

He thinks this caused restitution, but he speculated that momentum might turn around if Turkiye “brings EU membership back to the forefront.” Turkey started discussions to join the bloc in 2005, but the accession request has effectively been halted.

Given that the pope is seen as both a religious figure and a political actor, Mahcupyan believes that Pope Leo’s visit has political and symbolic resonance.

This visit makes positive contributions, given Turkiye’s ambitions for a foreign policy. The world seems to be ready for a Turkiye that can be accepted in international politics, and Ankara wants to shape one of it.

According to Mahcupyan, the pope’s “clear position” on Gaza’s genocidal war “aligns closely with Turkiye’s own line.” This kind of convergence is crucial. It makes Turkiye less inclined to turn inward, makes Turkiye more accepting, and softens attitudes toward non-Muslims.

He added that the visit makes sure minority groups aren’t forgotten.

Kostidis concured.

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