‘We haven’t failed anyone’: Police chief defends Maccabi Tel Aviv fan ban

Birmingham’s Josh Sandiford

Reuters A blue Aston Villa flag is waved inside the stadium before a match. It says Up the Villa on it in maroon writing. Fans can be seen in grandstands around the pitch.Reuters

West Midlands Police’s chief constable defended the club’s decision to forbid Maccabi Tel Aviv fans from the match against Aston Villa as he claimed the force “hasn’t failed anybody.”

Politicians, including the prime minister, widely denounced Birmingham’s Safety Advisory Group (SAG)’s decision to stop traveling fans from playing the Europa League game on November 6 on safety grounds.

Before the Israeli club said it would refuse fans’ tickets in any way due to the “toxic atmosphere,” the government promised to fund any necessary policing operations that would allow Maccabi fans to attend.

Craig Guildford in a picture. He is in a West Midlands Police office. He is wearing full uniform. He has a white shirt and black tie.

Despite receiving “good support” from the government, officers had professionally considered the risk and offered guidance, according to Mr. Guildford.

He continued, “I’ve read some of the intelligence that’s been received and the assessment that’s been made.” It is based on “professional judgment,” it says.

We never win over everyone, they say.

Mr. Guildford added that his team would “continue” to listen to and respect group decisions.

He said that if decisions are made, they must be respected.

They are created with a thorough understanding of the threat and risk. Our task as law enforcement is to ensure that everyone is safe.

Mr. Guildford refuted claims that the decision to appoint away fans had had an impact on the force’s confidence.

“We make sure we give the community confidence,” he said, “from me all the way down in the organization.”

Police in Israel A view of Bloomfield Stadium before kick-off in the cancelled match between Maccabi Tel Aviv and Hapoel Tel AvivPolice in Israel
Before kick-off on Sunday, an Israeli Premier League game between Maccabi Tel Aviv and Hapoel Tel Aviv was postponed due to what police described as “public disorder and violent riots.”

Villa have now made their ticketing policy clear for the game, stating that only supporters who have purchased tickets before this season will be able to get a ticket.

The Israeli Embassy in the UK expressed concern over the hostility and incitement that caused Maccabi to revoke their away ticket allocation.

According to a statement released on Wednesday, Birmingham City Council stated: “The Safety Advisory Group has consulted with Aston Villa Football Club based on a risk assessment that West Midlands Police provided.”

operationally independent police

Reform MP Danny Kruger said on Monday that rather than asking local authorities to “politely if they’ll change their decision,” the government should overrule the ban using the Police Act’s powers.

According to Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy, the idea of operational police independence has been around for a long time.

Downing Street later claimed that the powers were ineffective and could only be used on “rare occasions.”

Nandy claimed that the risk assessment in the Aston Villa case was “based in no small part on the risk posed to those fans who are attending Maccabi Tel Aviv because they are Israeli and because they are Jewish.”

We should be appalled by that and never let it go, she continued.

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The Church of England owes Zimbabwe more than an apology

Seven Zimbabweans made the announcement on October 4 that they were suing the Church of England for allowing the brutal abuse they endured from John Smyth, a prominent member of the church’s evangelical movement. Their cause was not just justice for the past. It was an indictment of a school that had no idea how violently organized it was when it was promoted as a form of religion.

Smyth wasn’t a singular predator. He was a member of the powerful inner circle of the Church. He oversaw Christian camps where more than 100 boys and young men were abused in the United Kingdom, Zimbabwe, and South Africa. He was a well-known British barrister and an evangelical leader. He embodied the authority and social privilege that kept him safe from scrutiny. The Church chose silence over accountability when his abuse first surfaced in England in the early 1980s, allowing him to carry his cruelty to Africa. His victims in Zimbabwe included 16-year-old Guide Nyachuru, who was found dead in a camp swimming pool in 1992. He was one of the boys who were victims of Christianity. More than 30 years later, the family of Nyachuru is suing the Church, demanding accountability for the abuse and the Church’s deliberate inaction, along with six other survivors.

The Church is now in the Church’s shoes. What started out as one man’s crimes were hidden, but now a much older truth is revealed: the Church of England’s authority in Africa was never only for the spiritual. It was founded on empire-sanctification, complicity, and conquest.

The Makin Review, an independent inquiry into the abuse committed by Smyth, released its long-awaited findings on November 7, 2024. The report was damning. It revealed how prominent Church officials had systematically covered up his crimes for decades, calling him “a problem that was solved and exported to Africa.”

Archbishop Justin Welby accepted both personal and institutional responsibility for what survivors described as a decades-long conspiracy of silence and announced his resignation four days later. His departure marked a symbolic shift in accountability, but those who had to endure Smyth’s cruelty found little comfort in his demise. The Church should use this transition as an opportunity for real accountability, as opposed to another regrettable gesture, as Sarah Mullally is now the archbishop-designate.

In the Smyth case, the Church’s failures were more than just moral failings. They exemplified its imperial practices in modern times, with the emphasis on preserving privilege at home and exporting problems to colonies. The logic of dominance, which once permitted silence during a conquest, was.

My family was raised in the Anglican Church’s long shadow.

My father attended one of Zimbabwe’s oldest and most admired Anglican schools, St. Augustine’s High School in Penhalonga, in the 1950s. In the 1970s, his elder brother went there to pursue a distinguished Anglican priesthood, teacher, and head teacher at St. Mathias Tsonzo.

I received my christening at St. Paul’s in Marlborough and baptized at Kambuzuma’s Anglican Church. I feel deeply ashamed of my relationship to the Church because of this.

I never fully confronted its past or present brutalities, as many others have. Robert Mugabe, the country’s first and foremost Catholic, advocated a policy of reconciliation that called for justice without progress and forgiveness when it gained independence from Britain in April 1980. We were told to move on and never look back after decades of colonial rule and to re-visit before the Berlin Conference of 1884.

There hasn’t been much effort to hold the Church accountable for its expansive role in the colonization of Zimbabwe for 45 years.

The Anglican Church established itself as the spiritual arm of conquest in 1890 when Bishop George Knight-Bruce gave blessing to the Pioneer Column, a paramilitary expedition funded by the British South Africa Company (BSAC) to seize Mashonaland and Matabeleland for the empire.

Empire and evangelism were seen as essential components of the divine order by Knight-Bruce and his successors. While preaching salvation through submission to the colonial state, they seized large tracts of land from the BSAC.

St. Augustine’s, St. Faith’s, and St. David’s (Bonda) in Manicaland were the Anglican Church’s mission stations by the turn of the 20th century. These were evangelical outposts, centers for colonial consolidation, settlement, and colonial consolidation that later morphed into significant educational and medical institutions, not their original locations.

They also taught the virtues of industry and obedience as Christian virtues in the service of the empire, and they also trained and disciplined African laborers. The classroom served as a tool of subtle erasure and indoctrination, while the pulpit served as an assimilation tool. Subjugation was disguised as enlightenment in both the sermon and the Bible.

The Church of England benefited morally, spiritually, and materially from the bloodletting of local communities because Zimbabwe’s colonization was primarily a business enterprise. Children were taught to reject their culture and submit to an English superior. The soldier’s rifle and the missionary’s cross both supported the other’s success. Conversion evolved into a different type of conquest.

This belief guided generations of African Christians, including myself, in our belief that Western dominance was a divine design.

Not a peculiarity in Zimbabwe, this.

Anglican missionaries were deeply entangled in African imperial aggression. In Kenya, for instance, the Church incorporated the colonial system of mass incarceration and violence in the 1950s. Its brutality enabled domestic violence in England, which is both polished and brutal in practice.

The Anglican Church served as a model for moral authority while Smyth was able to abuse Zimbabwean children under the pretext of religion.

In the 1980s, I was fortunate to emerge from St. Paul’s youth program on Friday afternoons. Others had a different perspective. Because the Church’s leaders in Britain saw lives as disposable, they endured Smyth’s violence.

The Church’s inability to confront its past and change its moral culture directly contributed to this official dehumanization. The monster Smyth became in Zimbabwe as a result of centuries of Anglican hypocrisy, entitlement, denial, and racism perfected on slave plantations and in the colonies.

Despite my background, I no longer identify as a Christian or an Anglican. I haven’t visited an Anglican church in 16 years, and I don’t intend to.

Indeed, I no longer pray to the English God. I have a terrible faith in the Church of England and its teachings.

I’m not an atheist, but rather one who is seeking a belief, redemption, and identity that are rooted in the knowledge that the Manyika of Manicaland practiced their religion well before colonization. Our ancestors lost their voice, voice, and sacred connection to the divine in what the Church called civilisation.

The Church of England continues to ignore Zimbabwe’s harm to this day. It has steadfastly resisted the crimes it sanctioned in Africa, insisting that it will offer “no apology for spreading the gospel around the world,” despite sporadically expressed regret.

Little evidence exists that the Church will face this legacy with the courage and sincerity it demands now that Sarah Mullally has been chosen as archbishop-designate. Its public displays of contrition are still performative and hollow.

However, the Church’s wealth, which was the result of centuries of tithes, land seizures, slavery, and imperial investments, now exceeds 11.4 billion pounds ($14.88 billion). A Church that was shaped by empire still acts as though African pain deserves sympathy but not reparative justice despite its wealth, reverent words, and purported moral leadership.

The Church will continue to be the Church it has always been: the principal accomplice and moral heir to the empire until it pays compensation for stolen land, funds reparations, and redeems what it destroyed.

The “Zimbabwean seven” case demonstrates the spiritual ruin of a place that was sustained by white divinity’s delusions.

Zimbabwe is owed more to the Church of England than an apology. If it still has a soul, it must be reckoned with by us.

Israeli minister says ‘99%’ of settlers are law-abiding

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Israeli settlers are “the most law-abiding people on earth” and face punishment if they violate the law, according to Israel’s foreign minister. However, settlers are rarely held accountable for their frequent support for the Israeli army and continue to assault Palestinians daily.

Israel deports 32 activists aiding Palestinian olive farmers amid attacks

In response to the increase in Israeli army and settler attacks in the occupied West Bank, Israel has ordered the deportation of 32 foreign activists who support Palestinian farmers who grow olives.

The activists were detained last week in the Nablus Governorate’s Burin because they were protesting an Israeli general order that only allowed those who work on the land during the harvesting period.

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Since the start of the current season, the Israeli army and settlers have attacked olive pickers with 158 attacks., according to the Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission.

A number of violations were committed during the assaults, including mass shootings, arrests, and beatings. At least 74 attacks targeted olive-growing regions, with 29 instances involving the destruction of farmland and trees. 765 olive trees were completely destroyed.

Palestinian farmers are putting themselves at risk when picking olives, according to the UN and human rights organizations.

The UN Human Rights Office’s head, Ajith Sunghay, stated in a statement on Tuesday that “settler violence has skyrocketed in scale and frequency.”

We have already experienced severe attacks by armed settlers against Palestinians, women, children, and international solidarity activists two weeks after the 2025 harvest began.

According to Sunghay, the UN estimates that 80 to 100 000 Palestinian families depend on their livelihoods from the olive harvest.

The activists would be deported over their alleged affiliation with the Union of Agricultural Work Committees (UAWC), according to a statement released by Interior Minister Yariv Levin and national security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir on Wednesday.

The activists were denied entry to the country for a 99-year period, according to the statement, without providing their nationalities or where they would be deported.

Since the start of the conflict in Gaza, settler violence against Palestinians has increased.

According to the United Nations, more than 1, 000 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces or settlers in the occupied West Bank since October 7, 2023, and thousands of Palestinians have been forced to flee as a result of Israeli-imposed movement restrictions, home demolitions, and Israeli-imposed restrictions on movement.

According to the UN, there were 757 settler attacks that left a 13 percent increase in casualties or property damage in the first half of 2025, up from the same period last year.

Israeli settlers allegedly attacked Palestinian olive harvesters and activists with clubs during a settler attack in Turmus Aya on Sunday, according to a video released from the town of Turmus Aya. One woman suffered serious injuries when she was taken to the hospital.

In Beita’s Jabal Qamas area, settlers beat and set on fire three vehicles earlier this month, injuring at least 36 people, including journalists.

The West Bank and East Jerusalem are home to more than 700,000 settlers, who reside in 150 settlements and 128 outposts, both of which are prohibited by international law. Israeli soldiers frequently accompany or protect settlers, and they are frequently armed.

What next for Djokovic after Paris withdrawal?

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Without giving an explicit reason, Novak Djokovic’s withdrawal from the upcoming Paris Masters creates more ambiguity in terms of his future plans.

The 38-year-old Serb suffered a foot injury at his most recent ATP match, the Shanghai Masters, where he lost to Valentin Vacherot, a qualifier, in the semi-finals.

Last week at the Six Kings Slam exhibition in Saudi Arabia, Djokovic had to stop playing Taylor Fritz.

The 24-time major champion announced on Tuesday that he would not compete in the Paris Masters, the final ATP 1000 match of the year that would begin the following week.

Djokovic expressed regret on social media that he would not compete at the Paris Masters this year.

    • five days ago
    • September 6

Djokovic made a statement in Saudi that he would skip Paris to potentially lengthen his season, but he did not provide any specific reason why he was not playing.

Djokovic’s main focus is appearing at an ATP 250 event in Athens, which his family moved from Belgrade to.

If his physical issues are too severe, it seems unlikely that he will miss a significant event with such an emotional pull.

The season-ending ATP Finals in Turin follow that.

Despite only appearing at 12 tournaments this year, Djokovic has already risen to third place in the rankings for men’s tennis, behind Carlos Alcaraz and Jannik Sinner.

Djokovic, who has repeatedly stressed how important it is to preserve “history,” may choose to skip an event he has already won seven times.

Djokovic was unconcerned about his upcoming schedule after pulling out of the Saudi match.

The five-time world champion said, “Now it’s rest and really addresses some of the issues I have with my body.”

Djokovic’s aging body has proven to be unable to withstand the rigorous demands of winning the sport’s biggest prizes once again throughout the season.

He still competes against the majority of the ATP Tour’s technical talent, as evidenced by his recent ATP Tour semi-finals.

Three days after winning the Australian Open against Alcaraz while sidelined by a leg injury, Djokovic was unable to advance to the semi-finals of his match against Alexander Zverev.

He also advanced to the last four at Wimbledon and the French Open, but Sinner physically deteriorated.

Djokovic admitted at the US Open that he “ran out of gas” in the three-set defeat suffered by Alcaraz.

The main goal of his career’s twilight is to win a 25th major, clearing him of Australia’s Margaret Court as the only record holder.

His next major goal is to set that goal at the Slam in Melbourne, where he is already a record-holder for the previous 10-time men’s champion.

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