After days of widespread protests in the West African nation’s capital, chants have ceased in the streets, the barricades have been removed, and there is an eerie calm over Togo. However, many people fear the storm is still coming and the security forces are stationed near critical intersections.
On June 26 through to August 28, thousands of people marched in Lome to protest constitutional changes that, according to critics, permit President Faure Gnassingbe to hold office indefinitely. The 59-year-old has been in office since 2005 following the passing of his father, who had ruled for 38 years, and has just taken the oath of office as the Council of Ministers, a powerful executive position without term limits under the newly approved parliamentary system.
The protests were quickly and violently halted.
Local civil society organizations claim that at least four people have died, dozens have been injured, and more than 60 have been detained. Online verified videos of beatings, street chases, and men dragging people away in plain clothes are featured.
The past week, however, marked a rupture in a nation that has long been accustomed to fractured opposition and political fatigue.
Defending a political dynasty
These demonstrations represent a generational break, according to many observers.
The Togolese journalist and essayist Pap Koudjo claimed that “these young people are not simply protesting a new constitution.” They are rejecting 58 years of political inheritance, which has resulted in humiliation, repression, and poverty.
The majority of the protesters were under 25 years old. Many people have never encountered a new leader. They have experienced frequent blackouts, crumbling infrastructure, joblessness, and sagging freedoms as they get older. A red line was drawn by the constitutional change that removed direct presidential elections and term limits for the new executive branch.
The government attempted to control damage. Another source of outcry was a steep 12.5 percent price increase for electricity that was quickly withdrawn. Aamron, a militant singer, was unintentionally released after his arrest days earlier had sparked public outcry.
But the unrest was not stopped by either action.
Paul Amegakpo, a political analyst and the head of the Tamberma Institute for Governance, called for the arrest of Aamron as a “trigger.” The real story is that this regime is no longer able to negotiate and implement a constitutionally sound solution to the crisis. It relying solely on military might.
He points to unease within the state itself. Fragments may exist at the highest levels of the security apparatus, according to a eminently rare statement from former defense minister Marguerite Gnakade, which condemns the violence and Gnassingbe’s leadership.
Amegakpo claimed that there is a “institutional void.” He continued, referring to post-amendment Togo, “Two months after the transition to the Fifth Republic, the country still has no appointed government.”
The vacuum is filled by civil society.
Who led the protests is perhaps more interesting than the actual protests themselves. Influential individuals from the diaspora, civil society activists, artists, and uncelebrated citizens are not traditional opposition parties, which have been undermined by years of cooptation and exile.
Koudjo claimed that the opposition has exhausted itself financially, physically, politically, and financially. The youth “stepped in” after decades of failed negotiations and violated agreements.
More institutional voices reacted as protests grew. Numerous civic organizations swore to the “disproportionate use of force” and demanded independent investigations into the deaths and disappearances. These organizations echoed growing concern about the government’s response and the deterioration of civic space, despite not being in charge of the mobilization.
The Togo-based Media Foundation for West Africa warned that the environment was “shrinking dangerously,” a statement that other international observers shared.
The crackdown is a larger, well-established system, according to Fabien Offner, an Amnesty International researcher.
Offner told Al Jazeera, “What we’re seeing is not an isolated event; it’s the continuation of a repressive architecture.” We have documented patterns of impunity, arbitrary arrests, beatings with cords, posturing torture, and impunity that are now commonplace.
Families are still searching for loved ones who were killed during the protests, according to Amnesty International. Some people haven’t been informed of their whereabouts or legal status.
“Protest management is not just the focus here. It’s about the ongoing violation of fundamental rights, Offner claimed.
He added that international law is being misinterpreted by the government’s claim that protests were “unauthorised.” No prior approval is necessary for peaceful assembly. What constitutes unlawful behavior is systematic preying.
Amnesty International calls for full transparency from the prosecution, a public list of detainees, and an independent investigation into the deaths. Offner also touched on the uncomfortable reality of global silence.
He claimed that “Togo has turned into a diplomatic blind spot.” The African Union, ECOWAS, the UN, and other important bilateral partners must engage more forcefully and vocally. The cycle of repression is fueled by their silence. They must act and speak out.
Even the country’s traditionally cautious Catholic bishops issued a rare warning about the possibility of “implosion under suppressed frustration” and demanded “a sincere, inclusive, and constructive dialogue.”
Observers note that Togo’s unrest also reflects a wider trend in West Africa, where youth-led movements are increasingly challenging established political orders in the streets, on social media, and through global solidarity networks.
Young people are asserting their authority against systems they find to be unresponsive, outdated, or undemocratic, from the recent mobilizations in Senegal to the popular uprisings in Burkinabe. Although the protests in Togo are domestic, they are a part of a larger regional movement calling for change and accountability.
The government continues to abide by its command.
Gilbert Bawara, UNIR’s minister of public service and senior figure in the ruling party, said, “These were not peaceful assemblies. These were attempts to disrupt public order.”
Bawara argued that “if there were any excesses, they should be examined based on facts, not rumors,” and that security forces had consistently violated that theory. He continued, noting that dialogue can only be had with “visible, structured interlocutors” and not with foreign calls.
He argued that the recent constitutional changes had followed a legitimate procedure. “Anyone who disagrees may petition or vote in elections. According to Bawara, these are the foundations of a democratic society.
However, opponents claim that the current administration’s use of these avenues is largely symbolic. Many people believe the political playing field is fundamentally rigged because the ruling party controls institutions, encircles opposition figures, and releases them from custody through arrests, exile, and cooptation.
“Yes, there are democratic forms,” said analyst Paul Amegakpo. They are, however, hollow. Although the laws may be on paper, such as elections, assemblies, and petitions, Togo’s power is not up for debate on equal terms. Through coercion, clientelism, and constitutional engineering, it is seized and preserved.
Amegakpo claimed that the regime’s recent actions suggest it is more focused on engagement than optics.
He noted that “the government has made its own peaceful march on July 5.” They are not listening, they are merely saying, “but that reveals something more.” They use propaganda and counter-demonstrations to address social and political suffering.
Moment of reckoning
Uncertainty surrounds what will follow. The recent easing of protests and the slowdowns of the internet suggest that there will be more.
The nation could become even more at risk if the unrest spreads beyond Lome or the security apparatus’s cracks expand.
Amegakpo claimed that the current situation is not revolutionary. However, we are completely ruptured. The cost could be higher than what they anticipate if the regime refuses to acknowledge it.
The message to the youth who organized the protests is clear: they are no longer patient.
Source: Aljazeera
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