Category World News

Elon Musk is expected to have a significant impact on the new Trump administration. The Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which is tasked with reducing government spending and bureaucracy, will be led by him. Additionally, he appears to have a lot of influence on the new president given his closeness to Donald Trump. What should we make of Musk’s new political power? The pros and cons are weigh-in’d by Sandra Gathmann in Start Here.

This episode features:

Thomas Gift | Director of the Centre on US Politics, University College London

Vittoria Elliott | Platforms and Power Reporter, Wired

Islamabad, Pakistan – When Richard Grenell, a close confidante of Donald Trump, the incoming United States president, demanded the release of Pakistan’s jailed former Prime Minister Imran Khan last November during protests in Islamabad, the post went viral.

In another since-deleted tweet the same day, Grenell wrote, “Watch Pakistan. The people have been influenced by the US Red Wave, and their Trump-like leader is facing false charges. Stop the international political prosecutions”!

On December 16, the day after Trump nominates him as a presidential envoy for special missions, Grenell reiterated his demand for Khan’s release. Both tweets have received hundreds of thousands of views. This time, the post racked up more than 10 million views.

The message gained further momentum when Matt Gaetz, another Republican and a former Trump nominee for attorney general, also wrote, “Free Imran Khan”.

The posts on X (formerly known as Twitter) were seen as a significant boost for Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party, which has been advocating for their leader’s release since August 2023.

However, many commentators expressed doubts about how much pressure is being put on Pakistan to release the former prime minister’s interest in Khan by Trump allies. And less than three years after it accused Washington of a role in Khan’s removal, some people pointed out a grave irony in the country’s most well-known political party, the PTI, which is trying to woo US support.

Complex relationship

After nearly four years in power, the Khan’s government was removed from power in April 2022 by a parliamentary no-confidence vote.

He alleged a US-led conspiracy, in collusion with Pakistan’s powerful military, as the cause of his removal, rallying his supporters to protest nationwide. These allegations have been vehemently refuted by both the US and Pakistani military.

Since then, Khan and his party have faced a wave of crackdowns. Khan has been imprisoned since August 2023 on dozens of charges and convictions. His party’s symbol – a cricket bat – was banned from Pakistan’s national election last February, forcing its candidates to contest as independents.

Relations between Pakistan and the US appear to have gotten a little better since Khan’s removal, with Donald Blome being named as the post’s replacement in May 2022. The post has been vacant since August 2018.

US officials have largely avoided commenting throughout the investigation into Khan and the PTI, citing Pakistan’s internal affairs. However, powerful Pakistani diaspora organizations in the US have actively campaigned among American politicians to bring about Khan’s recovery.

“The vocal advocacy of the Pakistani diaspora in the US, particularly around the release of Imran Khan, adds layers of complexity to this relationship”, Hassan Abbas, a professor at the National Defense University in Washington, DC, told Al Jazeera.

In response to bipartisan requests for President Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken to watch Pakistan’s contentious elections in February 2024, their efforts led the US Congress to hold a hearing on the “future of democracy” in Pakistan in March of last year.

Months later, in October, more than 60 Democratic legislators urged Biden to leverage Washington’s influence over Islamabad to secure Khan’s release. Then, just days before the US election on&nbsp, November 5, Atif Khan, a senior PTI leader in the US, met Trump’s daughter-in-law Lara Trump to discuss concerns about Khan’s incarceration.

A congressional hearing on the November protests in Islamabad, which included at least 12 PTI employees, is scheduled for January 22, two days after the new Trump administration takes office. The PTI blames the authorities for the casualties.

Islamabad has so far rejected Trump allies’ comments as having any relevance. Last month, the Pakistani foreign office said the country seeks relations based on “mutual respect, mutual interest, and noninterference in each other’s domestic affairs”.

“As for anyone making statements in their individual capacity, we would not like to comment on that”, said Mumtaz Zahra Baloch, the foreign office spokesperson, during a media briefing.

Shehbaz Sharif, the spokesperson for Pakistan’s prime minister, claimed that the government views remarks made by people like Grenell and Gaetz as those of “private American citizens.”

The government does not respond to remarks made by individual citizens. Only if there is agitation at the government level will there be a need to issue a formal response, Afzal told Al Jazeera. “We look forward to working with the new administration,” Afzal said.

Khan as knight in shining armour?

Syed Mohammad Ali, a non-resident scholar at the Middle East Institute, described PTI supporters ‘ campaigning for US support as “kind of ironic”.

The PTI-supporting diaspora is now wooing the incoming US administration to play a stronger role in what is happening in Pakistani politics, Ali told Al Jazeera.

“But putting aside that irony, it does demonstrate that many foreign Pakistanis who live far away from home view Imran Khan as their shining armor.”

Trump later developed a relationship with Khan while serving as prime minister from 2018 to 2022, when he first criticized Pakistan for providing “nothing but lies and deceit.”

Trump called Khan his “very good friend,” and they first met in Washington in July 2019 and again in Davos in January 2020.

By contrast, relations between Khan and Biden were frosty. After assuming the presidency in November 2020, Khan frequently criticised Biden for not getting in touch with him.

Former Pakistani ambassador to the US, Husain Haqqani, acknowledged the Pakistani diaspora’s effectiveness in mobilising support. “They have persuaded individuals in both parties to call for Khan’s release”, he told Al Jazeera.

However, Haqqani, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, cautioned that Pakistan remains a low priority for Trump’s foreign policy.

PTI supporters should not assume that this is how they can gain influence over US officials. Apart from one or two statements, there’s no sign of a broader policy shift”, Haqqani said.

Ali, a lecturer at Johns Hopkins University, emphasized the disconnect between US foreign policy and domestic politics.

“Perhaps the Trump administration will approach things more transactionally. Pakistan has benefitted in the past during Republican regimes, but currently, it isn’t a significant player in US plans”, he said.

Haqqani noted that US leverage often involves sanctions and economic pressures, but Pakistan, no longer a major aid recipient, offers limited options for influence.

Post-9/11, Pakistan was a significant recipient of US aid. But in recent years, aid has drastically reduced. Issues like Pakistan’s nuclear and missile programs, its relationship with China, and alleged support for militants are what concern the US”, he said.

As Kyiv’s counterinvasion passed its five-month mark this week, Ukrainian forces launched a new surprise offensive inside Russia, expanding its reach to the north and east.

On Sunday, geolocated footage showed Ukrainian forces entering the settlement and departing from their base in Sudzha, capturing fields, and entering Berdin.

By Monday, Ukrainian forces had also captured the settlements of Russkoye Porechnoye and Novosotnitsky. The main thoroughfare connects Sudzha to Kursk, the regional capital, and all three settlements.

According to Russian military bloggers, Ukrainian forces also control Martynovka, Cherkasskoye Porechnoye, and Mikhaylovka.

According to the Russian bloggers, the Ukrainian forces reportedly advanced in three waves using armoured vehicles and company-sized assaults.

The use of electronic warfare was cited as one of the keys to their success.

“Our drones can’t do anything about it yet, as enemy EW (electronic warfare) has nailed them literally to the ground”, one reporter wrote.

Ukrainian forces also seem to have used High Mobility Army Rocket Systems (HIMARS) to block Russian reinforcements.

“As in August, the enemy is actively covering up his offensive actions with HIMARS strikes”, wrote a Russian reporter. “He is trying to knock out our suitable reserves, artillery and drone operators”.

Explosions were reported at an aviation technical base in Kursk itself, about 70km (40 miles) from Ukrainian-held areas. More than one Ukrainian missile was shot down, according to the military operations headquarters in Kursk, suggesting others had crossed.

According to reports from the Washington-based Institute for the Study of War, “Ukraine forces are using longer-range fires to interdict Russian rear areas and EW to degrade Russian drones in support of Ukrainian mechanized advances,” “the Ukrainian forces operating in Kursk are employing more effective combined arms tactics.”

In addition to missiles, Ukraine has used long-range drones of its own build to attack Russian energy assets. A Ukrainian drone hit a terminal for gas condensate transshipment in the port of Ust-Luga, near Leningrad, on Saturday, causing a massive fire.

The occupation of tens of thousands of Russian servicemen, who would otherwise be attacking Ukrainian soil, is one of the reasons why Ukrainian officials have cited a number of causes for the counterinvasion.

“The Kursk region is where the Russians have deployed their powerful units. North Korean soldiers are involved there. What’s important is that the occupier cannot currently redirect all this force to other directions, in particular the Donetsk, Sumy, Kharkiv or Zaporizhia regions”, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in an evening address on Monday.

“Since the beginning of the Kursk operation, the enemy has already lost over 38, 000 troops in this area alone, including approximately 15, 000 irrecoverable losses”, he said.

The General Staff of the Ukrainian Armed Forces published a list of Russian equipment destroyed in Kursk, including 104 tanks, 575 armoured combat vehicles, more than 1, 000 other vehicles and 330 artillery systems.

In exchange for its own POWs, Ukraine claimed to have taken 860 Russians from Kursk and used them.

Are Russian tanks dwindling?

Russia’s ability to replace soldiers is less certain, compared to its ability to replace equipment.

Ukraine’s defence ministry estimated that during 2024 its forces had destroyed 3, 689 Russian tanks, 8, 956 armoured combat vehicles, and more than 13, 000 artillery pieces. 5 ships and 458 smaller craft were reportedly sunk by the Ukrainian Navy.

Soviet armour has been being recovered and repurposed for use by Russia. Its ability to continue doing that is not known.

Despite satellite photography suggesting a high percentage of Russia’s tanks were in such poor condition as to be inaccessible, one monitor of Russian hardware estimated that there were only about 48 percent of its tanks left and a similar proportion of its armored fighting vehicles.

Russia had two to three years of armour, according to an estimate made by the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies a year ago.

Questions about Russian armor were also raised by the continued Russian assaults on Ukrainian positions this week.

The twin settlements of Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad in Donetsk, which Russian forces have attacked 26 times along a front that is 45 kilometers (30 miles) away from the south, have received the majority of their manpower and firepower.

In his Saturday evening address, Zelenskyy stated that “ferferent battles continue along the entire front line, with Pokrovsk being the hottest area.”

On Tuesday, 41 combat clashes were in this area, out of 176 across the entire front.

At the closest point, Russian forces held positions just 1.5km (1 mile) from Pokrovsk, where 7, 300 civilians were reportedly still living and working.

“The intensity of the fighting has changed, it has become greater. Serhiy Okishev, a sergeant of the 25th Separate Airborne Brigade fighting in the Pokrovsk region, stated on a telethon that there are now a separate motorized rifle regiment and a motorized rifle regiment of the Russian Federation.

However, he pointed out that Russian troops were using fewer armoured vehicles and more buggies, golf carts and civilian vehicles. Whether this was due to the Russian arsenal’s lack of armor or manoeuvrability was a factor.

Similar to what a spokesman for the Ukrainian forces in Kurakhove said on Friday: “The Russians have switched to attacks only by infantry in the past few weeks, and if armoured vehicles are used, then only for fire support and in the assaults themselves do not take part.

Because they are so afraid of our antitank missile systems, he said, “The Russians keep their own armored vehicles as far as they can.”

Ukraine invests in long-range and unmanned systems

In the past year, Ukraine has made significant investments in its own defense sector, particularly unmanned systems of all kinds, and is working on novel strategies.

Ukrainian media outlet TSN learned on Monday that the Ukrainian military intelligence’s Magura V sea drone shot down two Russian Mi8 helicopters over the Black Sea on December 31.

The attack took place near Cape Tarkhankut, 15km (10 miles) from Sevastopol.

Unit 13 of military intelligence, responsible for operating the Magura surface drone, laid a trap for Russian aviation, which is engaged to spot and destroy naval drones once they’re sighted. “In this particular operation, we did not have the task, as usual, of hiding from aviation. We went specifically to hunt for air targets”, said an unidentified source.

The armed forces are “increasing the number of brigades with a reinforced unmanned component” and creating a separate brigade for unmanned systems, according to Commander-in-chief Oleksandr Syrskii.

“Overall, in December, operators of the Defense Forces of Ukraine hit over 54 thousand enemy targets. Almost half of this result – 49 percent – provided by kamikaze drones”, he wrote on social media.

On Friday, Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyal revealed that Ukraine would construct at least 30 000 long-range drones and cruise missiles this year.

“As part of the ‘ Weapons of Victory ‘ project, we will launch long-term contracts with manufacturers for 3-5 years. We will pay special attention to the long-range component and missile program”, Shmyal said.

In order to increase Ukraine’s defense industrial capacity from an estimated $7 billion in 2024, the drone and missile programs were a part of a strategy.

The prospect of a freeze in the conflict along the current battle lines has increased as a result of Donald Trump’s pledge to end the war this year.

Zelenskyy praised France for bringing up the possibility, but added that this should be done as part of a deal bringing Ukraine into NATO, and that he was willing to host a multinational force of European peacekeepers in Ukraine.

“It ought to be on the path to NATO without a doubt. The deployment of European forces does not mean that NATO will not have a future, Zelenskyy said. Trump seems to be optimistic about this, he said.

Let me be completely honest: I’m sick of hearing about division among Muslims. I find it heartbreaking to see how many people in my community express hopelessness and despondency because they falsely believe that the Ummah is divided and that we are all “losers.”

I am aware that having witnessed the violence and injustices being committed against our faith in various Muslim-majority nations, with the impression of impunity, in the context of various geopolitical conflicts.

As Muslims, however, we have a responsibility not to despair. Our religion encourages reflection and adhering to the Islamic maxims of “al-amr bil ma’rouf and al-nahy anil munkar (enjoining good and forbidding evil)”. This calls for thorough analysis and, if necessary, criticism of the status quo. But never dejection.

A large majority of Muslims put their all effort and resources into finding a way to “reunite” the Ummah following the collapse of the Khilafa in 1922. Without a Khilafa, they assumed, Muslims of the world would struggle to remain on the same page on important issues and suffer the consequences. This resulted in seemingly endless infighting, primarily between those who wanted to keep up old religious customs and beliefs and those who wanted to fundamentally change the faith in order to bring the Ummah back together. Where did all this screaming and fighting lead to? What did all this achieve? Many of us are still grieving because of the dissolution of the Muslim community after a century since there was a Khilafa.

Without a shared political system, those who became obsessed with the Ummah’s loss of “unity” lost sight of things that still inspire unity that can actually contribute to the advancement of justice, peace, and prosperity as a whole.

A Utopian empire stretching from Morocco to Malaysia cannot be found in the enforcement of political or cultural uniformity. It is already present in our collective adherence to Islam’s core principles, which are inherently universal. The Quranic message, delivered by Prophet Muhammad, underscores this universality. Islam’s origins as an oral, lived tradition made it uniquely accessible to diverse societies, from nomadic tribes to advanced civilisations. This accessibility gave rise to a fundamentally challenging unity.

Muslims around the world are much more united than we ever have been, despite not having a Khilafa or a common political system. We are united in our principles, our practices, our values. For us Muslims, recognising this unity, and harnessing its power, is a theological imperative. Equally important is the political resistance to the persistent legacy of colonial and imperial tyranny by accepting and cherishing this unity rather than giving in to misguided narratives of division.

Because our community is not entirely responsible for our ongoing infighting and pessimism over our perceived lack of unity. The false narrative of “disunity” is pushed on us by outsiders, by tyrannical powers, who have been working to subjugate us for many centuries. They claim that because there isn’t a pan-Islamic political unification, we are not at all united. They want us to get lost in despair, and become truly divided, so that they can maintain dominance over our people.

Indeed, the fragmentation narrative that currently dominates the Muslim community cannot be removed from the effects of colonialism and imperialism. For more than two centuries, the Muslim world was subjected to political, economic, and social subjugation under Western imperial powers. Our people are divided, and colonial administrators’ artificial borders allowed us to remain under their control, causing division in the regions with the largest Muslim populations. These imposed boundaries continue to cause conflict and conflict today.

Yet the Ummah’s unity persists in ways that these “invaders” could not erase. An unbroken metaphysical bond can be seen in the continuity of Islamic practices over the course of 1,400 years, from prayer to pilgrimage. This unity, rooted in faith, has outlived countless empires and regimes. Recognizing that it is more important to change the narrative to emphasize resilience than ignore the very real political issues.

Accepting the diversity of the global Muslim community is essential to understanding this. The early Muslim community was multicultural, multilingual, and multiracial. The first four caliphs’ differences in governance and political practices did not undermine unity; instead, they demonstrated the freedom and inclusivity of Islamic principles. Political differences do not equate to division, as demonstrated by the multiple Islamic political movements that exist on different continents, from the Abbasids to the Ottomans.

It is a very bad mistake to interpret diversity as a weakness and a sign of division in the context of this rich history. The Ummah has historically been enriched by its ability to accommodate diverse viewpoints, schools of thought, and cultural expressions. For instance, differences in the way that Islamic schools of thought pray are expressed reflect a strong tradition that values diversity within a shared framework rather than division.

Our response must not be condemning “disunity” and falling into despair, but rather demonstrating resilience and putting our attention on all the things that unite our people when we are faced with oppression, violence, injustice, and defeat against a tyrannic outside force, as we have tragically seen many examples of in recent years.

The British colonial government’s 1857 mutiny against Indian rule is a moving illustration of resilience in the face of defeat. The Deoband ulema did not give in to despair following the failed uprising that led to the slaughter of thousands of Indian Muslim scholars. They accepted their failure, acknowledged the psychological repercussions of the losses they suffered, and set about raising their family. They remained calm and unconcerned about the Ummah’s division and weakness. They did not become despondent. They knew too well that oppressors can defeat individual Muslims, but that sacred knowledge that unites us in something greater than ourselves cannot be defeated, so they decided to advance by protecting Islamic knowledge in British India.

In response to Darul Uloom Deoband’s proactive response, their initiative helped to create a foundation for renewal, which later led to the establishment of educational institutions that served and strengthened the Muslims of the entire subcontinent, if not the entire world. A true example of the leadership style Muslims should desire today was in response to failure.

Our focus as Muslims should be on the accomplishments and enduring bonds that connect the Ummah across time and space rather than fixating on stories of failure at this time of conflict, inequality, and widespread injustice. The Muslim world’s commitment to one another is a living, breathing reality that calls for appreciation and celebration.

Of course, acknowledging the Ummah’s theological unity should not lead to complacency either. Innovative solutions are needed to address the issues facing the modern world, from political unrest to systemic human rights violations to economic inequities. These solutions, however, must build on the existing foundation of unity, not undermine it with pessimistic narratives.

Muslims can advance with confidence by changing the narrative and embracing what unites them, creating new forms of resistance and renewal in a world where colonialism is still rife with remnants.

This is not the time for despondency. It’s about time for us to use our faith in the Eternal Powers of Allah to make active efforts to reform and improve our Muslim endeavors!

Lebanon’s parliament is meeting to elect a president of the republic, more than two years after the last president’s term ended.

As the debate grew over who will take the top office, Lebanese political parties and influential figures have been in talks with foreign officials.

Here’s everything you need to know about Lebanon’s presidential vote on Thursday:

Two years? Why so long between presidents?

Parliament hasn’t managed to find a consensus candidate.

Political parties prioritize their interests over the good of Lebanon, which would be served by a stable government, despite the numerous crises Lebanon has recently experienced.

At the end of 2023, all attempts to elect a president were thwarted as a result of Israel’s war against Lebanon.

During the ceasefire negotiations, the issue of selecting a president became an important topic of discussion.

Does parliament elect the president?

Yes.

Not the Lebanese electorate, the parliament elects the president through candidates who are active in political parties and members of parliament (MPs).

Lebanon has 128 MPs, and a candidate needs a majority with at least 86 votes.

Lebanese presidents have been consensus candidates who haven’t been a part of political movements since the end of the civil war in 1990.

Michel Aoun, who served as president and was the Free Patriotic Movement’s leader, is one of the few exceptions.

Who will win?

The Lebanese president has to be a Maronite Christian, according to Lebanon’s political representation system.

General Joseph Aoun, the head of the Lebanese army, appears to be the most likely candidate to win the 86-vote threshold.

His name has received support from the international community and has been in conversation for more than a year.

Aoun wouldn’t be the first army chief to become president.

Emile Lahoud (president from 1998 to 2007), Michel Sleiman (2008 to 2014), and Michel Aoun (2016 to 2022) were also chiefs before becoming president, with Lahoud and Sleiman becoming president directly after leading the Lebanese Armed Forces.

Aoun is no relation to former President Michel Aoun, it’s just a common name in Lebanon.

Is Aoun popular?

Aoun has a lot of support and is relatively uncontroversial.

This includes from Walid Jumblatt’s Progressive Socialist Party, the National Moderation bloc – which comprises ex-members of former PM Saad Hariri’s Future Movement – Sleiman Frangieh’s Marada Movement, the Kataeb (Phalangist) Party and some reform MPs who were elected in 2022, riding the wave of the 2019 revolution.

The right-wing Christian Lebanese Forces party hasn’t committed but said it may support Aoun, while he is also thought to be the United States’s favoured candidate.

Is there a notable challenger?

There was one, Sleiman Frangieh.

Hezbollah, a Shia political party led by Speaker of the parliament, and Amal, a government organization, supported him.

A small Christian party called Marada, which has a stronghold in the northern Zgharta region, is led by Frangieh.

Frangieh’s chances took a hit after Hezbollah was weakened by Israel’s war on Lebanon and Syria’s Assad regime – a close ally of the Frangiehs – fell.

Frangieh withdrew his candidacy and supported Joseph Aoun the day before the vote.

Are these the only candidates?

No. The ring contains a few more names than just that.

In 2023, Jihad Azour, a former finance minister and IMF employee, was well-liked by Christian organizations like the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement.

His support, however, appears to have declined as Aoun is being considered by the Lebanese Forces.

There’s also Elias Baysari, the interim head of Lebanon’s General Security directorate.

He was perceived as a potential front-runner, but he lacks open support, and an MP said Baysari may eventually withdraw from the race in his own name.

Other contenders are businessman and MP Neemat Frem, who has said he might back Aoun himself, and the Free Patriotic Movement’s Gebran Bassil, who has little support outside his party.

Ziad Baroud, a former interior minister, is occasionally mentioned as a potential consensus candidate.

While serving as minister, Baroud was well-known and well-respected in civil society, but he lacks much support from the traditional players.

Once Lebanon has a president, what happens next?

Of course, electing a president won’t solve Lebanon’s myriad crises.

However, they can elect a prime minister once the president is in place, which will then create a government that can replace the caretaker administration.

Lebanon needs more extensive systemic reforms, according to international lenders like the World Bank, which can provide a cash injection.

A new administration might be able to accomplish that.

Why are foreign powers involved in choosing Lebanon’s president?

Many Lebanese political parties seek foreign support or funding to bolster domestic influence.