Category World News

While global attention remains fixed on Israel’s war on Gaza, Israel is rapidly redrawing the map of the occupied West Bank.

On January 21, just two days after a ceasefire took effect in Gaza, the Israeli military intensified its assault across the occupied West Bank, particularly in the northern regions. Israeli bulldozers have razed entire residential areas, forcibly expelling at least 40, 000 people from their homes.

For the first time since the second Intifada, Israeli forces have reintroduced tank incursions and air attacks into the West Bank, part of a systematic Israeli strategy to change the geography of the West Bank, paving the way for full annexation.

This report, produced by Al Jazeera’s fact-checking agency, SANAD, draws on United Nations data, satellite imagery, and maps to reveal how this is happening.

The occupied West Bank at a glance

The West Bank, called al-Daffah in Arabic, is&nbsp, west of the Jordan River, from which it gets its name.

Together with occupied East Jerusalem, it covers an area of 5, 655sq km (2, 183sq miles), making it about 15 times larger than Gaza or roughly the same size as the US state of Delaware.

Since 1967, Israel has militarily occupied the West Bank, subjecting Palestinians to checkpoints, arbitrary arrests, home demolitions, land seizures, settlement expansion and frequent raids, severely restricting every aspect of their lives.

The West Bank is home to approximately 3.3 million Palestinians. It is divided into 11 governorates, with Hebron, or al-Khalil in Arabic, being the most populous at about 842, 000 residents. Jerusalem follows with 500, 000, Nablus with 440, 000, Ramallah and el-Bireh with 377, 000 and Jenin with 360, 000.

About 700, 000 Israelis live in illegal settlements on Palestinian land.

Escalating attacks before October 7

Deadly attacks on Palestinians in the occupied West Bank have persisted for years.

Since systematic documentation began in 2008, UN data shows that at least 1, 896 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces and settlers.

By October 6, 2023 – just hours before the Al-Aqsa Flood operation – the death toll for 2023 had already risen to 198, surpassing 2022’s total of 154 and making it the deadliest year on record at the time.

Since October 7, 2023, the number of attacks has skyrocketed.

Over the past 17 months, more than 900 Palestinians have been killed in the occupied West Bank. More than half of them were from Jenin and Tulkarem.

Amnesty International described this violence as “brutal”, citing unlawful killings, the disproportionate use of deadly force, and the deliberate denial of medical care to the wounded – all unfolding as global attention remains fixated on Gaza.

Why is the northern West Bank being targeted?

Israel’s continuing military incursion, which it calls “Operation Iron Wall”, has primarily targeted the northern governorates of Jenin and Tulkarem.

These governorates have fewer Israeli settlements than the rest of the West Bank and have long been centres of Palestinian resistance, a factor that has historically hindered their annexation. In response, Israel has carried out systematic raids and large-scale demolitions in these regions, aiming to suppress resistance and establish full control – part of a broader strategy to tighten its hold on the entire West Bank.

The refugee camps in particular have been heavily targeted. Since October 2023, the Tulkarem refugee camp, the second-largest in the West Bank, witnessed the destruction of 205 structures, including homes, commercial buildings, and agricultural infrastructure, followed by 174 structures in Nur Shams camp and 144 in Jenin camp. The peak in Jenin occurred in August 2024, when 37 structures were demolished in a single month.

According to Peace Now, an Israeli nongovernmental organisation (NGO), in 2024 a record-breaking 48 new settlement outposts were established in the West Bank.

Even before the war, settlement expansion was accelerating. In 2023, 31 new outposts were set up, with 21 appearing in just six months between February and July – well before October 7.

Settler violence: An informal weapon of displacement

Settler attacks have become a daily occurrence in the West Bank, especially in rural areas near settlement outposts. Settlers have blocked roads to Palestinian communities, hindering access to essential services and livelihoods. In some instances, they have destroyed water sources, cutting off vital resources for Palestinian herding communities.

Testimonies from the southern West Bank village of Khirbet Zanuta describe homes and water sources being destroyed, forcing residents to flee. In Nablus, eight families (51 people) were forcibly displaced at gunpoint.

A report by the Israeli human rights organisation Yesh Din, which analysed 1, 664 police investigations into settler violence against Palestinians between 2005 and September 2023, found that:

• 94 percent of cases were closed without indictment.
• Only 3 percent led to convictions.
• In at least 80 percent of cases, investigations were closed due to an alleged inability to identify suspects or gather sufficient evidence.

The study highlighted a deep mistrust of Israeli law enforcement among Palestinians, with 58 percent of Palestinian victims in 2023 choosing not to report crimes to the police. B’Tselem, another Israeli human rights group, has described settler violence as “Israel’s unofficial tool” for expelling Palestinians, with the lack of accountability contributing to a culture of impunity.

Illegal seizure of Palestinian land

A June 2024 report by HaMoked, an Israeli human rights organisation, showed that Israel has rapidly intensified its control over the West Bank since October 2023, moving towards full annexation.

This effort is led by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who was recently given a newly created minister position in the Ministry of Defence, granting him extensive powers over civilian affairs in the West Bank.

Smotrich, a settler who lives on Palestinian land outside the illegal settlement of Kedumin, also heads the Settlement Administration, a division within the Israeli Ministry of Defense, responsible for overseeing the establishment and expansion of Israeli settlements.

In 2024, 24, 700 dunams (6, 100 acres or 2, 470 hectares) were classified as “state land” by Israeli authorities, surpassing the 23, 000 dunams annexed between 2000 and 2023. Additionally, 68 illegal settlement outposts were recognised by Israel and provided with infrastructure, deepening Israeli control.

Smotrich’s transfer of planning and demolition powers has accelerated the forced displacement of Palestinians. His administration works with settlers to seize land, demolish Palestinian homes, and recognise illegal outposts, further entrenching settlement control.

Satellite image analysis of northern West Bank

An analysis of satellite images from March 12 over Tulkarem and Jenin reveals widespread destruction and bulldozing by the Israeli military:

• 12.5km (7.8 miles) of roads were destroyed in Tulkarem and Nur Shams camp.
• 17.5km (10.9 miles) of road networks were demolished in Jenin camp.
• Extensive damage to buildings across all three camps.

Since October 7, 2023, the bulldozing of at least 523 buildings, which housed numerous families, has forced nearly 3, 000 people from their homes, including:

• Tulkarem camp: 1, 070 people displaced after 205 buildings were demolished.
• Nur Shams camp: 965 people displaced following the destruction of 174 structures.
• Jenin camp: 960 people displaced after 144 structures were demolished.

According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), displacement has doubled in recent months, with the latest military operation triggering the largest wave of Palestinian displacement in the West Bank since 1967, with more than 40, 000 people being forced to flee their homes.

These figures point to a strategy of dismantling Palestinian communities, as their presence in the West Bank poses a demographic challenge to Israel.

New images and reports highlight the scale of devastation in Jenin, Tulkarem and Nur Shams – entire neighbourhoods reduced to rubble, thousands forced to flee and the fabric of Palestinian society under systematic assault.

A unique pattern was identified in Jenin, which was not observed in Tulkarem and its camp. The Israeli military has constructed 14 earthen barriers surrounding the camp, with military vehicles positioned near some of these barriers.

In addition, since October 2023, the Israeli military has imposed severe movement restrictions on Palestinians, with 793 checkpoints by November 2024, 60 percent of which are in Hebron, Nablus, and Ramallah – hindering medical access, disrupting trade and isolating communities.

Open calls for annexation and displacement

Despite rapid settlement expansion, Israel faces a key demographic challenge, as the birthrate among the Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Israel remains higher than among Israelis living in Israel and the occupied West Bank, although population numbers are roughly&nbsp, equal now.

To counter this, Israeli policy increasingly focuses on reducing the Palestinian presence in strategically sensitive areas, framing displacement as both a security necessity and a “humanitarian” solution.

This strategy is evident in statements by Israeli officials. In March 2025, Defense Minister Israel Yoav Katz defended illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank as “essential for protecting Israeli cities”, while media figures like Gideon Dokov called the forced removal of Palestinians from all of Palestine “the only humanitarian solution”, labelling Palestinians as “a murderous nation”.

The “Fighting for Life” campaign echoed this message with the slogan “No Future in Palestine”, encouraging what they euphemistically called “voluntary emigration”.

Meanwhile, Meir Masri, professor of geopolitics at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, said on social media platform X that the annexation of the West Bank is “the greatest Zionist achievement since 1967”, calling it a historic opportunity that must not be missed.

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia – Images of old Damascus and Aleppo adorn the walls of a modest restaurant tucked into Bole Michael, a working-class neighbourhood near Addis Ababa’s international airport.

Chatter in Arabic and Amharic fills the air, mingling with the sizzling of a grill roasting a giant shawarma skewer and oil crackling around crunchy kebeiba (bulgur and ground meat balls).

In the kitchen, Syrian chef Ahmed Ibrahim and his two assistants prepare for the evening rush. As the sun begins its descent, they carefully fill small bowls with hummus and dates for guests in the restaurant and pack takeaway meals for those who stop by seeking a free meal.

In the spirit of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, Ibrahim says he is happy to give back.

“When I first came to Ethiopia in 2020, I didn’t have a penny to my name. I worked in restaurants until I could open my own. I married an Ethiopian woman, and now, I’m a father of two daughters”, Ibrahim tells Al Jazeera. “This country has become a home to me”.

More than 5.5 million Syrians have fled their homeland since 2011, when war broke out after the government cracked down on a popular uprising. Most Syrians who left sought refuge in neighbouring countries like Lebanon, Turkiye, and Egypt.

But some ventured further, to countries like Ethiopia, where fewer than 1, 500 Syrians reportedly live.

Al Jazeera approached Ethiopia’s Immigration and Citizenship Services for an official estimate, but the agency declined to respond. &nbsp, According to local media, many Syrians remain unregistered and live in limbo.

Despite these challenges, Bole Michael has become known as a Syrian neighbourhood. More Syrian refugees have found their way there, carving out a familiar rhythm.

Its streets, largely unpaved and strewn with pebbles and dust, have long been home to Somali, Sudanese and Yemeni refugees – some of the more than one million refugees living in Ethiopia.

In recent years, Syrian businesses have started adding their accents and flavours to the bustling area.

Ibrahim’s restaurant, named Syria, is one such business. The 34-year-old arrived in Ethiopia five years ago after a three-year stay in Sudan was cut short by political unrest there. Opening the restaurant, he says, was a way to recreate a slice of home in exile, a place where he could serve the dishes of his homeland to those who would appreciate them.

During Ramadan, that mission takes on even greater meaning: giving.

“It would’ve been great if I could host a free iftar for everyone in need, like the ones I grew up seeing in Syria”, says Ibrahim, referring to a centuries-old tradition across the Middle East, where banquets are set up on the streets to offer free food to passersby breaking their Ramadan fast at sunset.

“But that would be difficult here, since poverty is widespread and we’re just a small business”, he adds.

“Instead, during Ramadan, we try not to turn anyone away”, he says, explaining that the restaurant serves free meals to those in need during the holy month. “It’s about community and helping however you can”, he says.

Nearly a quarter of Ethiopia’s 124 million people live below the poverty line.

&nbsp, A taste of generosity from home

As the adhan echoes from a nearby mosque, signalling the end of the fast, Ibrahim begins welcoming diners.

Among them is Zeynab Mohammed, a Syrian mother of four who arrived in Ethiopia last year after fleeing Khartoum amid Sudan’s continuing civil war. Since settling in Addis Ababa, she has tried to make a living selling homemade perfume on the streets.

Closing her eyes briefly in prayer, she digs into a fragrant chicken shawarma wrap with fries.

“Life here isn’t easy”, Zeynab says quietly. “But moments like this remind me of home. The generosity, the shared meals – it’s something we carried with us from Syria, and it’s still alive here”.

Sitting next to her is Salem Berhanu, an Ethiopian friend and familiar face in the neighbourhood. Berhanu often joins newcomers at local eateries, occasionally paying for their food when he can. He is well-known among local children who gather around him, chatting in Amharic.

Berhanu says he enjoys seeing Syrians in Ethiopia. “It’s beautiful, especially during Ramadan, because it gives us a chance to meet new people and have meaningful conversations”, he says.

While many Syrians say they’ve felt welcome in Ethiopia, the challenges remain immense.

At a nearby table, another Syrian refugee, Aisha Abdul, recalls her early years in the country. She arrived in Addis Ababa after a perilous bus journey from Sudan, during which she hid from fighters who sometimes attacked convoys.

Three years ago, she and other worshippers at a local mosque in Bole Michael were invited to an iftar hosted by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed – a moment that, for her, felt like a lifeline after years of displacement.

Now, she sells scented charcoal alongside other Syrian refugees, often at traffic stops and crowded gathering spots.

On an average day, she says, she makes about $5, though on good days, she earns more with the help of her children.

“Ethiopia is a very welcoming country, and the people are wonderful. But it can also feel like a dead end”, she says. “There’s no assistance, and finding a job is difficult, so many of us end up doing humiliating work just to survive”.

&nbsp, Gratitude in a new land

In Bethel, a calmer, more affluent neighbourhood on Addis Ababa’s western outskirts, an inflated air dancer bearing a trademark thick mustache and red fez signals that Syriana, another popular Syrian restaurant, is open.

Inside, trays of crunchy, cream-filled kunafa and syrup-drenched baklava are on display, and as Eid al-Fitr approaches to mark the end of Ramadan, biscuits and cookies traditionally baked for the occasion have been added, keeping long-held Syrian customs alive.

Ethiopian patrons, mostly young people, gather at round tables. Many were drawn there by the TikTok channel of 21-year-old owner Ahmed Abdulkader, who has turned his family’s business into a sought-after venue.

During Ramadan, however, Syriana also welcomes less fortunate visitors.

“We donate all we can, including meals throughout Ramadan for anyone in need”, Abdulkader tells Al Jazeera, explaining that they rely on word of mouth to identify those who might need help. “We try to be good citizens and help however we can”, he adds.

While thousands of Syrian refugees worldwide have returned home with the fall of former President Bashar al-Assad’s regime on December 8, Abdulkader – like Ibrahim – has come to think of Ethiopia as home.

Fluent in Amharic, Abdulkader came to Ethiopia at the age of eight, soon after the war in Syria began. He attended school in Ethiopia, learned the language, and adapted to his adopted country. Thanks to his social media presence, he has become something of a household name, and his family is even considering expanding to other parts of Addis Ababa.

While Syrians have become renowned for their contributions to the culinary scenes in Egypt, Libya, Jordan, and elsewhere, those who settled in Ethiopia had to overcome language barriers and unfamiliar local tastes.

Grateful for his family’s success, Abdulkader says this month offers him a chance to reflect and give back.

“Ramadan allows me to connect with my customers on a personal level and offer food to anyone, regardless of their ability to pay”, he says.