Saudi Arabia’s top leadership has extended heartfelt condolences to the government and people of Nigeria following the death of former President Muhammadu Buhari.
Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud both sent formal cables of condolence to Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, expressing sorrow over the passing of the former leader.
King Salman conveyed his “deepest condolences and sincere sympathy” to President Tinubu, the Nigerian people, and the family of the deceased in a message released on Monday.
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman echoed the sentiments in a separate cable, highlighting the respect and historical ties between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Nigeria.
“I extend to Your Excellency, the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and the family of the deceased my deepest condolences and sincere sympathy,” the Crown Prince stated.
READ ALSO: I Thought Buhari Was A Religious Fundamentalist Until We Became Close – Tunde Bakare
Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince and Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, sent a cable of condolences and sympathy to Federal Republic of Nigeria and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the death of former President Muhammadu Buhari. pic.twitter.com/rQpSQIGsG1
He praised Buhari’s decades of public service, particularly his leadership in strengthening Nigeria’s political stability and national security.
“President Buhari was a leader of great integrity and dedication, and his contributions to Nigeria’s development will be remembered with respect,” he said.
Muhammadu Buhari, who served as Nigeria’s president from 2015 to 2023 and previously as a military ruler in the 1980s, passed away on Sunday at the age of 82 after a brief illness.
Widely known for his anti-corruption efforts and battle against insurgency in northeastern Nigeria, Buhari leaves behind a legacy of firm governance and nationalistic resolve.
President Bola Tinubu, Buhari’s successor, hailed him as a “patriot and statesman who placed national interest above all else”.
Did he know what he wanted his squad to look like when Manchester United returned for the start of pre-season training in July?
“Yes,” he said. “I have a clear idea what we want.
“As you know, we are a bit limited and we can’t do it all in one summer but there is a clear picture for what we want.”
These words were just over six weeks ago, as the United head coach bade farewell to journalists following the club’s end-of-season tour to Asia.
With the club back in training, and the first pre-season game against Leeds in Stockholm on Saturday, it is fair to assume that desired clarity has not yet materialised.
The unwanted five, crucial to free up funds for incoming transfers, are still at the club, though Marcus Rashford, Antony, Jadon Sancho, Alejandro Garnacho and Tyrrell Malacia are training separately from the rest of the squad.
Just one major addition has been made – Matheus Cunha, a £62.5m arrival from Wolverhampton Wanderers.
The ‘bomb squad’ have been truly ousted
Getty Images
On 4 July, United made it known that the five unwanted players had asked to leave and would not train with the remainder of Amorim’s squad. Rashford’s number 10 shirt was given to Cunha.
Since their exile, the only significant development involving the quintet was news that they cannot access United’s Carrington training ground – which they can enter for rehabilitation and medical purposes – until Amorim and his squad have left for the day.
The members of the so-called ‘bomb squad’, a reference to their being bombed out, can train together at Carrington if they wish and combine that with work away from the complex, which is the final stages of a multi-million pound upgrade. But, as far as Amorim is concerned, they are done.
This move makes it impossible to think there can be any repeat of the ‘peace deal’ brokered between Sancho and former boss Erik ten Hag last summer. That agreement led to the England man joining United on their tour of the United States before he left for Chelsea on loan.
More pertinently, it lets interested clubs know those players are not wanted, meaning United are negotiating from a position of weakness.
Talks likely to go to the window’s end
Between them, Antony, Sancho and Malacia cost the club more than £167m.
Rashford and Garnacho – both ‘home grown’ for the Premier League’s Profit and Sustainability Rule purposes – are worth a combined 95m euros (£82.34m), according to the transfermarkt.co.uk website.
Clearly, Amorim could find good use for that money if they were sold.
But, so far, there is no sign of that happening.
And this aspect is critical.
Those at Old Trafford hope Bryan Mbeumo’s protracted move from Brentford for more than £60m is completed before Amorim and his squad set off on their pre-season travels. But after that, United will be relying largely on sales to fund more deals.
There have been rumours.
Rashford has been linked with Barcelona, which would be his preference.
Sancho with Juventus, although coach Igor Tudor’s first choice is to complete the permanent signing of Portugal international Francisco Conceicao, who spent last year on loan from FC Porto.
Real Betis are still hopeful of getting Antony back after his successful stint there over the second half of last season.
Garnacho’s name continues to be mentioned at Chelsea, Napoli and his former club Atletico Madrid.
Malacia has been suggested as a potential target for Celtic.
But none of this has turned into anything concrete.
Rashford and Sancho are among the Premier League’s highest earners. Unless either accepts a pay cut – and there have been no suggestions either is willing to do that – United will almost certainly have to offer some kind of financial incentive to allow a permanent transfer or loan to be concluded.
Neither Antony nor Malacia are in the same pay bracket. But neither are the clubs in the market to sign them, suggesting United are going to be in the same situation with that pair, just on a lesser scale.
As for Garnacho, it is tough to imagine anyone being willing to pay the £60m fee United started the summer believing they could get for him.
What are Man Utd’s other options to raise money?
Getty Images
It is notable that United have generated more from sell-ons in this window than they have through player sales.
Anthony Elanga’s £55m move from Nottingham Forest to Newcastle earned the club £6m.
And the sell-on figure is expected to grow very quickly this week.
Defender Alvaro Carreras has now completed his move to Real Madrid from Benfica. United get 20% of any sale price over £5m. As a fee of 50m euros (£43.33m) is reported to have been agreed, United stand to receive around £7.6m.
In addition, Maxi Oyedele’s pending 6m euro (£5.2m) move from Legia Warsaw to Strasbourg could earn United £2m, as they have a 40% sell-on clause on the 20-year-old midfielder from Salford.
Whether that is enough to release funds to make more signings remains to be seen.
So who else it leaves the question of who else they might have to consider selling.
Kobbie Mainoo is yet to agree a long-term extension to his contract, which expires in 2027, and Toby Collyer also has two years left on the deal he signed in June last year.
Both contracts have one-year options, so in that sense, United are covered.
But the arrivals of Matheus Cunha and – eventually – Mbeumo, coupled with captain Bruno Fernandes’ decision to reject summer overtures from the Saudi Pro-League, suggests places in either central midfield, or the narrow number 10 roles Amorim likes, will be at a premium. And United already have Casemiro, Mason Mount, Joshua Zirkzee, Amad Diallo and Manuel Ugarte.
Amorim previously said he would be able to operate with a smaller squad this season without the added complication of European football.
A squad with a lot of uncertainties beyond the unwanted
Injuries have dented the confidence of Luke Shaw and Lisandro Martinez, who must compete for a place in a defence containing promising youngsters Leny Yoro and Ayden Heaven.
Andre Onana’s pre-season hamstring issue gives Amorim an opportunity to assess his goalkeeping options but, in truth, unless 21-year-old Radek Vitek steps up, the choice will be to stick or twist with the Cameroon international given Altay Bayindir was given his chance at the end of last season and failed to impress.
It is a similar story in attack.
The pursuit of Liam Delap, who instead chose Chelsea, emphasises Amorim feels he can improve on Rasmus Hojlund.
Viktor Gyokeres, who played for Amorim at Sporting, has also decided against a move to United.
Ollie Watkins, who lost his place at Aston Villa when Rashford arrived from United on loan, has been linked with a move to Old Trafford. So too have out-of-contract pair Dominic Calvert-Lewin and Jamie Vardy. They are all names to suggest United might be better off giving Hojlund one more chance.
But can Amorim trust that he is ready to fulfil the promise that prompted United to pay Atalanta £72m for him two years ago?
Hojlund himself has been linked with his old boss Gian Piero Gasperini at Roma.
But, as with so many players, turning vague interest into reality is not easy.
When he spoke to fanzine United We Stand last month, chief executive Omar Berrada said the pain of last season’s 15th-placed finish, the worst since the 1973-74 relegation campaign, was self-inflicted in the belief reward would follow.
“He’s suffered in the Premier League, and the team has suffered,” he said.
“But we saw it as an investment for the following seasons, because we were going to give time to Ruben to get to know the squad, the club, the Premier League, so by the time that we got to now, we’ll have had all the discussions about what the squad needs and the two-to-three-year plan to get to a squad that’s capable of winning the Premier League.”
There is still time before the opening Premier League game against Arsenal on 17 August for the clarity Amorim seemed so sure of when he spoke in Hong Kong to emerge.
Prince Harry has landed in Angola for a poignant trip that echoes a similar journey made by his mother, the late Princess Diana, in the name of charity. The Duke of Sussex landed in the African country today with his charity Halo Trust, as he plans to walk across explosive landmines.
The trip marks the first time he has been seen since peace talks with King Charles began, with senior aides for both the royals meeting in London, sparking rumours that a royal reconciliation could be on the horizon. While Harry has yet to address the meeting, he has made the surprise trip to Angola solo, just as Princess Diana did 28 years ago.
Princess Diana in Angola in January 1997 ( Tim Graham Photo Library via Getty Images)
A source told the Daily Mail that the Duke of Sussex was taking the trip alone, after he decided it was too dangerous for Meghan Markle to join him. The source told the publication: “The duke won’t let his wife go to England over security concerns, so there was no chance he’d allow her to go to Angola to walk across landmines.”
The source added: “Halo is really his thing, it means so much to him to be patron and he just wants to keep his work with them to himself.”
Harry’s solo trip saw him land at Luanda airport, in the capital city of Angola, where he took a series of photos with small two-person planes to the site of the mines he intends to walk across.
He is hoping the publicity surrounding his surprise visit will encourage more donations from the Angolan government, as a source said: “Usually these trips help to drive a bit more money from the government.”
Prince Harry first visited Angola in 2019 to continue his mother’s work in the war-torn African country ( WireImage)
When Prince Harry came on board as a patron for Halo Trust in 2019, the Angolan government pledged £46million to create safe wildlife corridors and protect endangered species in conservation areas.
It set a target of clearing all landmines by 2025 and Harry is said to hope that his presence there will boost efforts to meet the target. Since 1994, Halo has cleared more than 123,000 landmines, and works to transform former war zones into farmland, national parks and ‘safe’ villages.
During his trip, Harry will be focusing on Halo’s ground-breaking use of artificial intelligence and drone technology to speed up clearance of the landmines, hopefully completing the decades-long clear-up before the 2025 target.
While on his trip to Africa, Harry is hoping to recreate the iconic images his mother, the late Princess Diana, created in 1997 when she took a walk through a minefield wearing a Halo Trust flak jacket and helmet.
Harry’s charity Halo Trust has set a target of clearing all landmines by 2025 left behind from the brutal 27-year civil war ( REUTERS)
The images of Diana, taken just months before she died, were copied by Harry during his walkthrough of Angola to continue his late mother’s work in 2019.
Angola was ravaged by a brutal 27-year civil war that ended in 2002, but the country is still trying to uncover the millions of landmines buried across the countryside that still pose a threat to locals and wildlife.
The Mirror has contacted Prince Harry’s representatives for comment.
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Stephan Shemilt
Chief Cricket Reporter
Jofra Archer says he can play in England’s final two Tests of the series against India after making a triumphant comeback in the win at Lord’s.
The fast bowler missed more than four years of Test cricket because of injuries but played a vital role in the tense 22-run victory that gave England a 2-1 lead in the series.
The 30-year-old took a wicket with the third ball of his comeback, then took three wickets in India’s second innings as England defended a target of 192.
Any questions over Archer’s fitness and ability to play Test cricket again were answered in his return match.
He completed 39.2 overs and bowled at high pace throughout – his average speed was never lower than 87mph and the Sussex man bowled 41 deliveries in excess of 90mph.
Archer had been meticulously managed on the road back to Test cricket, playing almost exclusively white-ball matches. The fourth Test at Old Trafford and fifth Test at The Oval are back to back, so it has been suggested England will need to control his workload.
But Archer said: “I can play the other two if they let me.
“I don’t want to lose this series. I said I wanted to play the Test summer and I wanted to play the Ashes.
Archer won his 14th Test cap at Lord’s. His 13th came in early 2021, against India in Ahmedabad. In the intervening period, his career was threatened by serious back and elbow injuries.
Asked if he ever doubted a possible return to Test cricket, he replied: “No.
“Obviously it would have been the format which would have taken the most time to come back to.”
In Archer’s time away from the Test side, England were revitalised when captain Ben Stokes and coach Brendon McCullum took charge in 2022.
A previous run of one win in 17 matches – a series of results that Archer was part of – was reversed with a brand of attacking cricket, and England have won 25 of their 39 Tests since Stokes took charge.
“The guys have played some really exciting cricket since ‘Baz’ took over,” added Archer.
“The mentality of the team under ‘Baz’ suits the way I like to play. So, you know, I just couldn’t wait to get back and actually do it without having to be prompted to do it.”
England have recalled spinner Liam Dawson after an eight-year absence from Test cricket to replace the injured Shoaib Bashir for the fourth Test, which begins on 23 July.
We’ve found where to shop GK Barry’s exact Wimbledon sunglasses that ‘don’t get caught in your hair’ and look like a designer pair without the hefty price tag
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We’ve found where to shop GK Barry’s exact Wimbledon sunglasses(Image: Instagram @gkbarry_)
GK Barry was one of many celebs to attend Wimbledon last week, and her accessory choice caught our attention. Spotted in a sleek pair of £89 sunglasses that “look so expensive” and, most importantly, “don’t get caught in your hair,” this chic pair ticks all the boxes for sunny days.
The sunglasses we’re on about here are the Glee Oval Frame Tortoiseshell Sunglasses in Black from Dune, priced at £89.
If you’re after a pair of sunglasses that look designer without the hefty price tag, the Glee shades are the perfect ones. With a 60s-style oval silhouette and soft red-tinted lenses, they are the perfect balance between trendy and timeless.
When investing in a pair of sunnies, it’s important to think long-term about whether you’re going to like them the following year. Luckily, this Dune pair are hard to get bored of.
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These chic Dune sunglasses are perfect for sunny days(Image: Instagram @gkbarry_ / Dune London)
Not to mention the gold detailing on the arms elevates these a bit further, and makes them great for more formal events such as sitting courtside at Wimbledon, summer weddings or even the races.
Made from lightweight acetate, they’re comfortable enough to wear all day and best of all, they won’t do that annoying thing where your hair gets tangled in the arms.
For the rest of her look, GK opted for a Chanel-esque black and white tweed mini dress, with a matching white Chanel quilted bag and some simple gold and pearl jewellery (most likely hailing from her Abbott Lyon collection).
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The celebrities really aced their looks at Wimbeldon this year. From Frankie Bridge’s chic pinstripe Karen Millen midi dress, currently £149.50 here to Samantha Cameron’s Cefinn seersucker dress, £290 here and Louise Thompson’s on-theme Lulu Guiness strawberry punnet handbag, available to rent from £5.16 a day here.
On Friday, 30 fighters from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) threw their weapons into a bonfire at a meeting in Sulaimaniyah, a city in the autonomous Kurdish region of northern Iraq.
After hiding out in Iraq’s Qandil Mountains for three decades, where they reportedly trained for combat and planned attacks against Turkiye, they were now renouncing their armed struggle.
The symbolic gesture is the first phase of disarming the PKK as part of a rejuvenated peace process with Turkiye, which could end a 40-year conflict that has killed some 40,000 people.
As the process unfolds, a question arises about how this may affect the broader region, including the autonomous Kurdish areas in Iraq and Syria.
Lack of transparency
In February, jailed PKK leader Abdulla Ocalan called on his fighters to fully disarm, saying the time for armed struggle was over and Kurds could now realise their rights through politics.
Senior PKK leaders heeded the call in April and agreed to a new peace process with Turkiye.
The success of the peace process largely hinges on reintegration and the political and cultural rights Turkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will confer on Kurds, according to Gonul Tol, an expert on Turkiye and the PKK with the Middle East Institute think tank.
While Erdogan and his far-right coalition partner, Devlet Bahceli, support the new process, the implementation remains shrouded in secrecy, say analysts.
They believe the government is wary of disclosing details to avoid public backlash from some nationalist quarters, who may see any concessions as rewarding the PKK for armed rebellion.
The process will likely entail a general amnesty for PKK fighters and giving Kurds the political and cultural rights they have long demanded, which would allow disarmed PKK fighters to return to Turkiye from northern Iraq, Sinan Ulgen, an expert on Turkiye and a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for Peace, said.
Only senior leaders would continue to live abroad, without fear of being targeted.
However, he added, there has been no public discussion of how the government plans to reintegrate former PKK fighters into civilian life.
“The lack of transparency raises the question over how much public support there is for this initiative,” Ulgen told Al Jazeera.
Nurettin Ucar cries over the coffin of his daughter Yagmur Ucar during the funeral of people killed in an explosion in Istanbul on November 14, 2022, that Turkiye blamed on the PKK [Yasin Akgul/AFP]
According to Tol, Kurdish politicians are expecting Erdogan to make some political concessions to the Kurds through the recently established Turkish Parliamentary Committee.
Failure to do so, she warns, could collapse the peace process.
How Iraq’s Kurdish region factors in the process
The exact number of PKK fighters is unknown, but rough estimates suggest there are between 2,000 to 5,000 in the Qandil Mountains.
Since the 1990s, the PKK has reportedly plotted attacks against the Turkish state from these mountains with no real resistance from Iraqi authorities.
This dynamic continued after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, which officially brought about an autonomous Kurdish region in the north.
Turkiye has on many occasions bombarded PKK positions in the mountains, often relying on jets, artillery and helicopters.
The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), which governs the Kurdish autonomous region, has never interfered in the fighting, noted Nazli al-Tarzani, an independent Iraqi analyst.
However, she said Iraq’s Kurdish parties, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), may now try to exploit the peace process if it succeeds.
They could exaggerate their role in the process to attract voters in the upcoming national elections in November, she added.
“Things always heat up during an election cycle, and they could use the [disarmament] as a point-scoring exercise,” al-Tarzani told Al Jazeera.
The other scenario, said al-Tarzani, would see a resumption of conflict between Turkiye and the PKK in the Qandil Mountains.
She added that the KRG has strong commercial and economic ties with Turkiye and will likely remain quiet and in the peripheries if the peace process collapses and conflict resumes.
On top of that, she explained, the KRG cannot assist Turkiye with such a complicated military operation.
“They don’t have the capacity for a scheme of that scale, and it would be quite costly. Also, I don’t think Turkiye would want to outsource. They would want to call the shots,” she said.
The PKK’s incentives
The PKK has its own reasons to lay down arms and see through the peace process, analysts told Al Jazeera.
Salim Cevik, an expert on Turkiye and a non-resident fellow at the Arab Center Washington DC, noted that the group is militarily weak after being driven out of Turkiye in 2016.
During that period, the PKK in Turkiye was trying to carve out an autonomous region which would link up with its counterpart, the People’s Protection Units (YPG), in Syria.
At the time, Kurds from Syria and Turkiye were joining the fight against ISIL (ISIS) with US support, while expanding their control over majority-Kurdish and Arab regions in northern Syria.
But since March 10, the YPG has been negotiating its own deal with Syria’s new authorities – a close ally of Turkiye that came to power after toppling former President Bashar al-Assad in December.
Syria’s interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa, right, shaking hands with Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) commander-in-chief Mazloum Abdi after signing an agreement to integrate the SDF into state institutions, in Damascus on March 10, 2025 [SANA/AFP]
Analysts previously told Al Jazeera that any agreement between Syria’s new authorities and the YPG would lead to some limited form of Kurdish autonomy in Syria, but with greater oversight and control from the central government.
“PKK expectations seem clear … that Turkiye will stop trying to undermine Kurdish autonomy in Syria [as part of the peace process],” said Cevik.
However, Tol said Turkiye still worries that PKK fighters could mobilise in Syria if the peace process suddenly collapses, referencing the close ties between the two Kurdish factions.
“The Turkish government must be thinking that they are going to have thousands of YPG fighters right on their border if this thing doesn’t work out,” she told Al Jazeera.
Splinters and national security
Although analysts believe disarmament should go smoothly, some PKK fighters could refuse to disarm if they are unhappy with the process or believe that Ocalan, who has been in Turkiye’s custody since 1999, is out of touch, said Ulgen.
“Turkiye is relying on Ocalan to steer the entire PKK conglomerate … whether they will all listen remains an open question,” Ulgen told Al Jazeera.
Their cooperation will hinge on how soon Turkiye will confer fundamental rights on Kurds, he added.
Burcu Ozcelik, a security expert on Turkiye and the PKK with the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), believes a splinter is very unlikely.
She explained that Ocalan has remained influential in the ideological evolution of the group and that he has retained the loyalty of PKK fighters since he was captured.
In addition, she said, Turkiye appears to view the rejuvenated peace process, the disarmament of PKK fighters and their reintegration into civil life as imperative for national security.
She referenced Turkiye’s historical and increasingly truculent relationship with regional powers such as Iran and Israel.
Israel, in particular, appears to view Turkiye’s regional influence as a threat to its power and agenda in the region.
Turkiye may be concerned, said Burcu, that Israel may therefore attempt to instrumentalise Kurdish armed groups to thwart what they perceive to be Turkiye’s influence, regionally.
“In the aftermath of Assad’s fall in Syria, Israeli government officials were very vocal of the Kurds being a natural ally to Israel and that Israel should support Kurdish autonomy,” she told Al Jazeera.
This possibility is incentivising Turkish ministers to reach a deal with the PKK to thwart the possibility of foreign meddling.
