Can Pakistan’s new anti-extremism policy defeat rising armed attacks?
Islamabad, Pakistan – Pakistan has unveiled a new policy to tackle “violent extremism” using an unlikely bouquet of tools, including school curriculum changes, religion and social media outreach, in addition to military tactics, at a time when deadly armed attacks are surging.
However, many analysts warn that the strategy, which relies on an army’s general leadership and is primarily focused on using military force, is too ambitious, condensed, and difficult to carry out. Some experts argue that the National Prevention of Violent Extremism (NPVE) Policy, as the new plan is called, is in effect “old wine in a new bottle”.
The most recent policy, which was made available to the public last week, comes at a time when violence is roiling, particularly in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which is in the northwestern province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
According to figures from the Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS), an Islamabad-based think tank, 2024 was the deadliest year in nearly a decade for Pakistan. The data reveals that 2, 526 people were killed in attacks last year – including nearly 700 security personnel, more than 900 civilians, and approximately 900 armed fighters.
The Pakistan Taliban, an armed group with ideological ties to the Taliban in Afghanistan, carried out the majority of these attacks. Since its inception in 2007, the TTP has been waging an armed rebellion against Pakistan.
While Pakistan has introduced similar anti-extremism frameworks in the past, the new , 71-page document]PDF], prepared by the National Counter Terrorism Authority – an autonomous government body responsible for intelligence gathering, threat assessments, and counterterrorism strategies – is different, said Dayyab Gillani, NACTA’s director of research and development.
The key shift, according to him, is that the new policy promotes a “whole-of-society” strategy to prevent “violent extremism”, including using “non-kinetic” means. In military terminology, kinetic measures refer to armed force.
“We have learned from the so-called war on terror that military operations alone cannot be a successful strategy.” In a recent interview with Al Jazeera in Islamabad, Gillani claimed that Kinetic successes are only temporary because they fail to stop terrorism at its core. “The causes and drivers of terrorism were never removed, which is why terrorism has resurfaced repeatedly, despite short-term gains”.
What is stated in the NPVE Policy?
Gillani, who joined NACTA two years ago, claimed that the NPVE’s work was initially scheduled for 2019 but that political unrest prevented it from being finished until 2024. The policy was approved by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s cabinet in December.
The policy presents a “5-R” approach – Revisit, Reach Out, Reduce, Reinforce, and Reintegrate – with a series of 700 corporate-style key performance indicators (KPIs) to measure effectiveness in the short, medium and long term.
The first policy recommendation, “Revisit,” aims to re-enter youth and influencers like teachers and religious leaders while reforming the curriculum. By defending hardline narratives on social media and through media, “Reach Out” aims to advance a national narrative.
“We live in the age of social media, which has become a major tool for radicalisation”, Gillani said. “This necessitates a revamped communication strategy”.
“We must foster a culture of tolerance, acceptance, and inclusion, where people respect social, political, and religious differences without resorting to violence”, he added.
“Reduce” targets youth and women through peace initiatives and research on women’s roles in armed rebellion. “Reinforce” seeks to promote peace and tolerance through arts, culture, and scientific innovation.
The final policy action, “Reintegrate”, involves de-radicalisation, rehabilitation, and reconciliation programmes for former fighters and conflict-affected communities.
The state has a fundamental obligation to care for its citizens. Non-kinetic measures, which are empathetic in nature and approach, is what the government needs to focus on in order to counter extremism”, Gillani said.
Military operations and old policies
In response to decades of armed conflict, Pakistan has launched numerous military campaigns to combat armed groups.
Pakistan served as a haven for Taliban leaders and al-Qaeda members fleeing Afghanistan following the attacks and subsequent US invasion of Afghanistan.
The army launched a number of counterterrorism operations in Pakistan in an effort to end them and regain control of the area. However, it was not until the 2014 attack on the Army Public School in Peshawar, in which more than 140 children were killed, that the government formulated a National Action Plan (NAP) – one of its first formal frameworks to counter armed rebellion. Since then, updated and updated policies have been made.
But , Gillani argued that these previous policies were “reactive” and primarily focused on kinetic measures, making the NPVE’s preventive and community-based approach unique.
“Community engagement is critical to success. He claimed that Kinetic measures leave behind scars in communities affected by violence. “That’s why we emphasise prevention”.
Policy implementation challenges
However, analysts caution against the policy’s ambitious scope, despite acknowledging that the NPVE strikes a balance between military and non-military strategies, at least on paper.
“Pakistan has a history of well-intentioned policies failing due to poor implementation. According to Abdul Basit, a research fellow at Singapore’s S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, the success of this policy depends on whether the state ensures its effective implementation.
Similar concerns were raised by Iftikhar Firdous, co-founder of The Khorasan Diary, a platform tracking regional security.
This approach acknowledges that ideologies are frequently more influential than weapons, making intellectual capital as crucial as military action. However, the policy’s implementation framework lacks the rigour required to achieve its objectives”, said Firdous, who is based in Peshawar.
Who is the person responsible for carrying out the policy, and what is at the heart of those implementation difficulties?
Civilian vs military control
Although NACTA is a civilian institution, Pakistan’s powerful military, which has ruled the nation directly for more than three decades, still has a significant influence over civilian governments.
“At a time when the military’s rapid influence in almost all aspects of society is visible, NACTA is no exception, so when a non-militarised framework to deal with violent extremism is carried out by the military, who can guarantee its success”? Basit, the Singapore-based academic, said.
Firdous agreed that concerns would arise from military oversight of the policy.
If it appears to be enraging on other law enforcement agencies’ jurisdiction, how can NACTA function effectively? Can a civilian-led NACTA be accepted in a system dominated by the military? He continued, “These are important questions that need to be resolved in order to create consensus and put the policy into action.”
The new policy also has one flaw, according to Rohan Gunaratna, a professor of security studies at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies.
According to him, it is crucial for Pakistan to create “tailored policy options” that address the unique requirements of each social group.
Source: Aljazeera
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